Citation: Title Author Thesis Methodology/Sources Contributions to the Field Other Seminal Works Narrative: Provide a critical thought piece of this work. What do you believe the purpose of this work is? How is the work organized? What are some of the themes covered in this work? Does the author provide evidence that supports the thesis? Give an example. Which chapter or section of the reading most stood out to you and why? Does this reading remind you of another work? If so, which on and why? C H A P T E R8 Copyright 1995. Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. Familiar Sound s of Change : Music and the Growt h of Mas s Culture Just sout h o f Lo s Angeles ‘ centra l Plaz a lay the are a known throughou t the cit y as the mai n aren a for activitie s of leisure in the Mexica n community of the 1920s . Sundays were no t onl y a big day for religious practice ; they als o were bi g busines s days for th e area’ s movie theatres , gamblin g dens, an d poo l halls—al l o f whic h dominate d th e street s t o th e south . The constan t soun d o f Mexica n music—musi c tha t range d fro m tradi tional Mexica n ballad s t o newl y recorde d corridas depictin g lif e i n Lo s Angeles—was everywhere . A burgeonin g Mexica n musi c industry flour ished i n th e centra l an d easter n section s o f th e cit y durin g th e 1920s , largely hidden fro m th e Angl o majority. The diminishe d rol e o f organize d religio n i n th e day-to-da y life o f Mexican immigrant s wa s coupled wit h increase d participatio n i n secula r activities. I n Mexico , mos t publi c events in rura l villages were organize d by the Catholi c Church, wit h fe w other opportunities outsid e th e famil y for diversion . Lo s Angeles , however , offere d abundan t entertainmen t o f all sorts . Thes e amusement s wer e generall y par t o f a rapidl y growin g market in leisure which targeted working-class families durin g th e 1920s . Money spen t on leisure-tim e activities easily outstripped donation s t o th e Church, revealin g much abou t th e cultural changes occurring in the Mexican immigran t community. 1 Chican o entrepreneur s responde d t o th e emerging ethni c mas s market in cultural forms, even though tha t marke t was ofte n dominate d b y outsid e advertisin g an d controlle d primaril y by non-Mexicans. Still , th e presenc e o f a growin g ethni c marke t i n Lo s Angeles provide d roo m fo r man y traditional practices to continue , som e flourishing i n th e ne w environment , bu t mos t bein g transformed i n th e process. This chapte r wil l explor e th e intersectio n betwee n th e growin g mas s market in cultural forms found in Los Angeles and the leisure-time activities o f Mexica n immigrants . Th e variou s actor s wh o helpe d shap e th e creation o f a market aimed a t providin g Mexican immigrants with prod 171 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Collection (EBSCOhost) – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY AN: 367514 ; George J. Sanchez.; Becoming Mexican American : Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 Account: s9008954.main.eds 172 Shifting Homelands ucts, services, and activitie s that someho w connecte d wit h th e ethnic self identification an d collectiv e cultur e wil l b e identified . The complicate d nature o f this exchang e ca n best b e described, however, b y looking a t one particular aren a of cultural interaction. Music , specificall y th e creatio n o f a Spanish-languag e musi c industry an d marke t i n Lo s Angeles , provide s one o f the best window s fo r viewin g this nexu s of cultura l transformation i n detail . The Plaz a itsel f continue d t o cate r t o singl e males , offering pool halls, danc e rooms, bars, and a small red-light district. Protestan t reform ers, therefore , consistentl y viewe d Plaz a resident s a s prim e target s fo r moral rejuvenation . I n addition , man y small , immigrant-owne d eaterie s were locate d i n the are a which catere d to a male clientele often unable or unwilling t o coo k fo r themselves. A descriptio n o f a dancin g clu b frequente d b y single male s durin g this perio d indicate s th e exten t o f th e interminglin g betwee n sexe s an d nationalities in the Plaza , a situation whic h concerned reformers . Locate d on Mai n Street , th e clu b “Latino ” was open ever y night excep t Sunda y from 7:3 0 p.m . t o 1 a.m., althoug h i t did mos t o f its business o n Satur day night . Insid e an d out , th e hal l wa s illuminate d by red , white , an d green lights , the color s o f the Mexica n flag. Entrance to th e club cost 2 5 cents, an d tickets were 1 0 cents apiec e to danc e with women. Th e femal e employees wer e mostl y immigran t Mexican s or Mexica n Americans , al though Anglo American , Italian , Filipino , Chinese, an d Japanese women also were available . The band , however , was made u p o f black musicians and playe d onl y America n pieces . Mexica n immigran t men , dresse d i n working-class garb , dance d “Mexica n style ” t o th e America n songs ; a ticket wa s require d fo r ever) ‘ dance ; an d th e wome n partner s earned 5 cents pe r dance . In on e corne r o f the danc e floor a Mexican woman sol d sandwiches, tacos , pastries , an d coffee. 2 As Lo s Angele s Mexican s moved awa y from th e Plaz a and th e com munity becam e mor e familia l i n structure , differen t diversion s predomi nated. Som e custom s were carrie d over t o marriag e from singl e life . Fo r example, a federal surve y reported that three-quarters of Mexican families in Lo s Angele s continue d t o spen d a n average of $14 a year for tobacco. Almost two-third s rea d th e newspape r o n a regula r basis . Increasingly Mexican familie s bega n t o purchas e othe r form s o f entertainmen t which could b e enjoye d b y al l age s an d i n th e confine s o f one’ s home . Ove r one-third o f th e familie s i n th e Lo s Angele s stud y owne d radios , ofte n buying th e equipmen t “o n time ” fo r a n average of $2 7 a year. A smaller number (3% ) owne d phonographs , an d onl y 4 percen t owne d musica l instruments. Expenditure s for vacations, social entertainment (othe r tha n movies), an d hobbie s wer e rare. 3 During th e 1920s , man y America n manufacturers and retailer s discovered a fairl y lucrativ e market in th e loca l Mexican immigrant commu nity. Despit e th e clamo r fo r Mexican immigration restrictions, these pro – EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use Familiar Sounds o f Change: Music an d th e Growth o f Mass Culture 17 3 ducers understoo d tha t Lo s Angele s containe d a larg e an d growin g population o f Spanish-speakin g immigrants . B y 1930 , som e nationa l products wer e advertise d i n the Spanish-languag e press , an d increasingl y large distributor s sponsore d program s i n Spanis h o n th e radio. 4 Among products heavil y advertised i n L a Opinion during thi s perio d wer e ciga rettes, medicina l remedies, an d recording s t o hel p immigrant s lear n th e English language . Even mor e widesprea d wer e appeal s to Mexica n shoppers b y certain downtown departmen t stores . I n 1929 , fo r example , th e Thir d Stree t Store advertise d i n L a Opinion b y asking , “Wh y ar e w e th e stor e fo r Mexicans?” The answe r stressed th e appea l of special merchandise, prices , and service . Locate d nea r th e Plaza , offerin g generou s credit , th e stor e had apparentl y alread y becom e a favorit e i n th e Mexica n community. 5 This kin d o f ethni c appea l fostered competitio n amon g som e o f down town Lo s Angeles ‘ larges t retailers . Anothe r departmen t stor e eve n of fered fre e “Cinc o d e Mayo ” pennant s t o an y Mexica n wh o purchase d its merchandise. 6 Many of the mass-produce d consume r goods i n the 1920 s were specifically markete d wit h a n appea l t o youth . Thi s appea l ha d profoun d consequences fo r Mexica n immigran t families . Olde r childre n wh o en tered th e wor k forc e ofte n earne d enough t o becom e more autonomous . Adolescents an d young adult s were often the first to introduc e a Mexican family t o certai n foods , clothing , o r activitie s tha t wer e incompatibl e with traditiona l Mexica n customs . Fo r example , younge r Mexica n women bega n t o us e cosmetic s an d wea r nylo n stockings . Youn g me n were mor e likel y to see k out ne w leisure-tim e activities, such as American sports o r th e movie houses . Second-generatio n yout h were often the first in thei r familie s t o se e a motion picture. At times, experimentatio n led to intergenerational conflict, with much tension revolvin g around consumer purchases an d the contro l o f earned income . Despite some initia l reservations , most Mexica n parents joined othe r Americans i n th e 1920 s i n a lov e affai r wit h motio n pictures . Ninet y percent o f al l familie s i n th e Lo s Angele s surve y spent mone y o n th e movies, averagin g $2 2 a yea r pe r family . I n Sa n Diego , a governmen t committee investigatin g loca l economi c condition s observe d tha t “a s i n American families , movi e ticket s were a n essentia l feature o f thes e Mexican families ‘ spendin g way s excep t unde r pressur e o f a specia l need fo r economy.” In addition , the committe e presume d that some workin g chil dren retaine d a portion o f their wage s to spen d on movi e tickets. 7 The movi e industr y i n Lo s Angele s aided Mexican s in retainin g ol d values, bu t als o playe d a role i n cultura l change. O n th e on e hand , films produced i n Mexico mad e their wa y into th e many theatres in the down town are a i n th e lat e 1920 s caterin g t o th e Mexica n immigrant popula tion. Thes e supplemente d American – an d European-mad e silen t film s which wer e aime d b y thei r promoter s a t a n ofte n illiterat e immigran t EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use 174 Shifting Homelands population. Soun d wa s no t introduce d unti l 1929 , s o tha t throughou t the decad e of the 1920s , movies stresse d visua l images an d presente d fe w language barrier s fo r the non-Englis h speaker . Since thei r inceptio n in the nickelodeon s of easter n seaboar d cities , American film s consistentl y containe d storyline s intentionall y mad e fo r the immigran t masses. 8 Message s tende d t o b e largely populist an d dem ocratic i n tone . Plot s stresse d th e commonalit y o f al l Americans . Th e children o f Mexica n immigrant s wer e especiall y intrigue d b y th e ope n sexuality depicte d on the screen . The experienc e of sittin g alon e in a darkened theatr e an d identifyin g wit h scree n characters, as Lary May ha s argued, coul d fee l quit e liberating. 9 What mad e American-mad e film s eve n mor e appealin g wa s th e ap pearance o f actor s an d actresse s wh o wer e Mexica n b y nationality . Al though Ramo n Navarr o an d Lup e Vele z wer e introduce d t o audience s in th e earl y twenties , th e arriva l o f Dolore s de l Ri o i n 192 5 brough t Mexican immigrant s flockin g t o th e bo x office . Th e attractio n wa s no t simply th e desir e t o suppor t a compatriot ; i t wa s als o generate d b y th e close proximit y o f the movi e industry . La Opinion, fo r example , the city’ s leading Spanish-languag e periodical , regularl y followe d th e Hollywoo d scene, payin g particula r attentio n t o th e city’ s risin g Lati n stars . A s citizens o f Mexic o themselves , th e newspaper’ s editor s wer e quic k t o con demn star s wh o distance d themselve s fro m thei r nationa l origins , whil e praising others , lik e de l Rio , wh o showe d interes t i n preservin g thei r Mexican identity. 10 While the motion-picture industr y displayed one aspect of the impact of consumeris m o n immigran t cultura l adaptation , opportunitie s fo r other entrepreneur s t o mak e a n ethni c appea l emerge d durin g thi s pe riod. Ethni c marketing , usuall y considere d a recen t phenomena , i n fac t has long-standin g root s i n thi s era . Whil e hug e America n corporation s consolidated thei r hol d o n a nationa l mas s marke t o f good s durin g th e 1920s, muc h roo m wa s lef t fo r loca l entrepreneur s t o see k sub-market s that catere d t o th e interest s an d desire s o f particula r groups . I n man y ways, th e standardizatio n o f message s brough t abou t b y large-scal e advertising create d ne w avenue s fo r ethni c entrepreneurs . Sinc e fe w na tional advertisin g agencie s were locate d i n Lo s Angele s o r i n th e Ameri can Southwest , littl e attentio n wa s pai d b y nationa l corporation s t o distinctly regiona l appeals . Thi s voi d wa s fille d b y Mexica n an d non Mexican entrepreneur s who realize d that mone y coul d b e made b y servicing th e larg e an d growin g Mexican population i n th e city. As earl y a s 1916 , smal l Mexican-owne d businesse s advertise d i n Spanish-language newspapers. 11 Thes e establishment s wer e generall y store-front operation s whic h allegedly provided item s that wer e “typically Mexican.” E l Progres o Restauran t o n Nort h Mai n Street , fo r example , claimed tha t i t cooke d foo d i n th e “trul y Mexica n style.” Simila r restaurants wer e frequente d b y th e larg e Mexica n male population aroun d th e Plaza. Othe r businesse s attempte d t o brin g Mexica n product s int o th e EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use Familiar Sounds o f Change: Music and th e Growth of Mass Culture 17 5 Los Angele s marke t directly . L a Tiend a Mexicana , o n Sa n Fernand o Street, carrie d herbs an d cookin g supplie s which were generally unavailable elsewhere. Down th e street , a clothing store, the Sastreri a Mexicana, was less successful i n its appeal to ethni c taste in dress.12 It wa s one thin g to continu e t o pu t Mexica n food in your stomac h an d quit e anothe r t o continue t o dres s i n “traditional ” Mexica n gar b o n th e street s o f Lo s Angeles. By 1920 , large , well-finance d operation s dominate d th e Mexica n retail business . Thei r advertisement s regularl y appeare d i n th e city’ s Spanish-language periodical s fo r th e nex t tw o decades . Farmaci a Hi dalgo, ru n b y G. Salaza r an d locate d a t 36 2 Nort h Mai n street, declare d that i t wa s th e onl y stor e “positivel y of th e Mexica n community. ” Far macia Rui z wa s founded b y a influential Mexica n expatriate and quickly gained muc h statu s i n th e immigran t community . Ove r th e nex t te n years, it was frequented by several candidates for the Mexica n presidency, most notabl y Jose Vasconcelos. 13 Maurici o Calderon, anothe r emigran t from Mexico, would soon dominate the Spanish-language musi c industr y in Lo s Angeles. Durin g thi s decade he established the Repertori o Musical Mexicana , an outle t fo r phonograph s an d Spanish-languag e records , which h e claime d wa s “th e onl y Mexica n house o f Mexica n musi c fo r Mexicans.” Finally , tw o theatres , th e Teatr o Nove l an d th e Teatr o Hi dalgo, locate d o n Sprin g an d Mai n street s respectively , were alread y in operation i n 1920 , offerin g bot h silen t films imported fro m Mexic o a s well a s live entertainment . A hos t o f riva l Mexican-owne d firm s gav e thes e earl y businesse s much competition . Advertisement s usuall y stresse d tha t thei r particular establishment was the mos t “genuinel y Mexican” of the group . Th e Farmacia Hidalg o wen t s o fa r a s t o plac e a n Azte c eagl e o n som e o f it s products t o insur e “authenticity. ” A ne w an d importan t enterpris e was the Librerf a Lozano , providin g Spanish-languag e book s to the literat e Mexican communit y an d owne d b y Ignaci o Lozano , th e edito r o f L a Opinion. No t surprisingly , Lozano heavil y advertise d in his own paper . In addition , th e 1920 s witnesse d th e emergenc e o f Mexican profes sionals who als o targeted thei r fellow countryme n for patronage. A small, but significan t grou p o f doctors , dentists , an d lawyer s from Mexic o set up sho p i n Lo s Angeles , an d thei r advertisement s stresse d tha t thei r training had bee n conducte d i n the finest Mexican universities. 14 Mexican entrepreneurs , however , were no t th e onl y individual s i n Los Angeles who appeale d to th e Mexican consumer; non-Mexican s also tried to capitalize on the growing ethni c clientele. Leading this effort was the medica l profession, particularl y women doctor s an d physician s fro m other ethni c group s no t likel y t o develo p a following withi n a highl y male-dominated, Anglo Protestan t profession. 15 Mos t o f these physicians were locate d nea r the Plaz a area, particularly along Mai n Street , a n area which provided direct acces s to the immigrant population . Femal e physicians hel d specia l appea l a s specialist s fo r women , capitalizin g on th e EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use 176 Shifting Homelands sense of propriety amon g immigran t women . “Doctora ” Augusta Stone , for example , advertise d a s a specialis t for “la s senoras, ” an d wa s amon g the firs t t o us e th e phras e “Habl a Espanol ” i n he r advertisements . Dr . Luigi Gardini , a n Italia n American physician, also advertised i n Spanishlanguage newspaper s i n 1916 . Asia n American physicians, however, wer e the larges t grou p o f non-Mexican professionals to appea l to Mexica n immigrants, largel y stressin g thei r trainin g i n herba l medicine, a n are a no t unfamiliar t o rura l Mexicans. Among the m wa s Dr. Chee , wh o characterized himsel f a s “Doctor Chino ” i n 1920 , an d Dr . Y . Kim, wh o boaste d the combinatio n o f a Yale degree an d a speciality in Oriental herbal treatments. The growt h an d increasin g economic stabilit y of the Mexica n immigrant communit y i n Lo s Angele s mad e thes e appeal s profitable . Whil e the Mexica n middl e clas s remaine d smal l and relativel y insignificant , the large working-clas s communit y wa s quickl y developing eas t o f th e Lo s Angeles River . Lac k o f capita l and professiona l training i n th e Mexica n community mad e i t difficul t fo r mos t Mexican s to tak e direc t economi c advantage o f thi s growth . Ye t thei r cumulativ e purchasin g powe r di d allow fo r th e growt h o f certai n enterprise s whic h catere d t o th e uniqu e backgrounds o f Mexica n immigrants , whil e creatin g ne w mode s o f eth nic expression . One o f the most importan t o f these enterprises was music. Althoug h the musica l legacie s of different region s i n Mexico were significant, traditions wer e bot h reinforce d an d transforme d i n th e environmen t o f Lo s Angeles. As a diverse collection of immigrant musician s arrived from central an d norther n Mexico , ofte n vi a sout h Texas , the y stimulate d th e growth o f a recordin g industr y an d burgeonin g radi o networ k tha t of fered fertil e ground fo r musica l innovation. Of 1,74 6 Mexica n immigrant s wh o bega n th e naturalizatio n procedure, 11 0 wer e musician s (6.3 % o f the total) , makin g the m th e secon d largest occupationa l grou p i n th e sample , wel l behin d th e categor y o f “common laborer.” 16 Although 8 0 percent of the musicians did not com plete th e process , thei r ampl e presenc e amon g thos e wh o initiate d th e naturalization proces s indicate s their willingness to remai n in the Unite d States. Unlik e working-clas s musician s o f Mexica n descen t i n Texas , i t appears that many Los Angeles—based musician s were willing to conside r changing thei r citizenship. 17 If , a s Manue l Pen a ha s claimed , musician s do functio n a s “organic intellectuals ” fo r th e workin g class , challengin g American cultura l hegemony whil e expressing the frustration s and hope s of their socia l group, then th e experience s of Los Angeles musician s indi cate a complex, i f not contradictory , relationshi p with America n cultura l values.18 Compared wit h th e large r sample o f Mexican immigrants, musician s were mor e likel y t o hav e bee n bor n i n th e large r citie s o f th e centra l plateau i n Mexico , particularl y Guadalajar a an d Mexic o City . Ove r 2 5 percent o f Mexican musicians in Lo s Angeles cam e from these two citie s EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use Familiar Sounds o f Change: Music and th e Growth of Mass Culture 17 7 alone, compare d wit h 1 0 percen t o f th e entir e sample . Othe r town s i n central Mexico , suc h a s Zacatecas , Guanajuato , Puebla , an d Sa n Lui s Potosi, were als o well represente d in the musica l community. Unlik e the larger sample , norther n state s were generall y underrepresente d amon g musicians, excep t for the stat e o f Sonora, whic h accounte d fo r 9 percen t of the performers . I n central Mexico, the states of Jalisco and Guanajuato and th e Federa l Distric t alon e produce d ove r 4 1 percen t o f al l Mexican musicians i n Lo s Angeles. 19 The musica l tradition s brough t t o th e Unite d State s fro m thes e locales wer e varied . The mobilit y withi n Mexic o cause d b y economi c up heaval an d violence relate d to th e revolutio n ha d pushe d many rural residents, includin g folk musicians , to see k shelter in towns an d cities. There, previously isolate d fol k musi c tradition s fro m variou s location s wer e brought together , an d musician s als o encountere d th e mor e Europea n musical taste s o f th e urba n uppe r classes . One stud y o f stree t musician s in Mexic o Cit y durin g th e 1920s , fo r example , foun d twelv e differen t regional style s performing simultaneousl y on th e corner s an d in the marketplaces o f th e capital . One coul d hea r mariachis from Jalisco , condones nortenas from Chihuahua, troubador s fro m Yucatan, band-as ja-rochas from Veracruz, an d marimb a groups from Chiapa s and Oaxaca. 20 If dier e wa s one particula r musica l style whic h stoo d ou t fro m th e rest in popularity durin g thi s period, i t was certainly the corrida. A promi nent studen t o f this genr e ha s called the corrido “an integral part of Mexican life ” and th e creativ e period afte r 191 0 it s “most gloriou s epoch.” 21 During th e Mexican Revolution, almos t ever)’ important event , and mos t political leader s an d rebels , becam e th e subject s of on e o r mor e corridos. Pedro J . Gonzalez , wh o late r emerge d a s the mos t well-know n Mexica n musician i n Lo s Angeles , remembere d composin g corridos wit h seve n other soldier s fightin g wit h Panch o Vill a in secluded mountai n hideout s during lull s between battles . Non e was a trained musician , but eac h use d the opportunit y t o criticiz e each othe r jokingl y fo r pas t misfortune s o r to immortaliz e som e heroi c dee d throug h song. 22 A s these corridos mad e their wa y int o Mexico’ s urba n centers , the y were codifie d an d trans formed fro m fol k expressio n t o popula r songs. 23 The corrida’s continue d popularit y durin g the 1920 s in areas far away from it s fol k origin s ca n b e explaine d b y particula r characteristics of it s style whic h mad e i t appealin g a s a n urba n ar t form . First , th e urba n corrido, lik e the ccmcion ranchem, embodie d wha t wa s a traditional musi c style fro m th e countryside , whil e adaptin g i t t o a mor e commerciall y oriented atmosphere . I t reminde d thos e wh o ha d migrate d fro m rura l areas o f thei r provincia l roots, an d gav e urba n dweller s a connection t o the agraria n idea l whic h wa s see n a s typically Mexican.24 Second , mos t corridos appeale d t o a Mexican’ s nationalis t fervo r a t a tim e whe n th e pride o f Mexica n people , places , an d event s was flourishing . Severa l ob servers hav e identified the perio d betwee n 191 0 and 194 0 a s one of “na tional romanticism ” i n Mexica n cultural affairs, extendin g beyon d musi c EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use 178 Shifting Homelands to literatur e an d mura l painting . Corridas produce d i n th e Unite d State s often exalte d “Mexicanism” at the expens e of American culture, but eve n those compose d withi n Mexic o pai d inordinat e attentio n t o promotin g Mexican cultura l identity. 25 Finally, th e corrida wa s a n exceptionall y flexible musica l genre which encouraged adaptin g compositio n t o ne w situation s an d surroundings . Melodies, fo r th e mos t part , wer e standardize d o r base d o n traditiona l patterns, whil e text wa s expected t o b e continuously improvised . A vehicle for narration, th e corrida alway s intended t o tel l a story t o it s listeners, one that would no t necessaril y be news but rathe r would “interpret , cele brate, an d ultimatel y dignif y event s alread y thoroughl y familia r t o th e corrida audience.” 26 A s such, corrida musician s were expected t o deciphe r the ne w surrounding s i n whic h Mexica n immigrant s foun d themselve s while livin g i n Lo s Angeles . It s relatio n t o th e working-clas s Mexica n immigrant audienc e in Los Angeles wa s therefore critical to it s continue d popularity. As one L.A.-base d compose r explained , “The corrida i s a narrative viewe d throug h th e eye s o f th e people—it s subjec t almos t alway s follows th e truth.” 27 This adaptiv e style wa s particularl y well suite d fo r the rapidl y expanding Lo s Angeles Mexican community o f the 1920 s and the ever-comple x natur e o f intercultura l exchange in the city . The firs t commercia l recordin g o f a corrida i n th e Unite d State s wa s “El Lavaplatos. ” Performe d i n Lo s Angele s o n Ma y 11 , 1926 , b y Lo s Hermanos Banuelo s a s a duet wit h guita r accompaniment , th e son g was apparently originall y writte n b y Pedr o J . Gonzalez. 28 Th e corrida de scribes a Mexica n immigran t wh o dream s o f makin g a fortun e i n th e United State s but , instead , i s bese t wit h economi c misfortune . Finally , after bein g force d t o tak e a job a s a dishwasher , th e narrato r bemoans : “Goodbye dream s o f m y life , goodby e movi e stars , I a m goin g bac k t o my belove d homeland , muc h poore r than whe n I came.” 29 Most Mexica n composer s an d musician s had firsthan d knowledge o f working-class lif e i n Lo s Angeles ; no t onl y wer e the y product s o f working-class homes , bu t mos t continue d i n som e for m o f blue-colla r occupation whil e strugglin g t o surviv e a s musicians. Pedr o J . Gonzalez , for example , worke d a s a longshoreman o n th e Sa n Pedro dock s befor e being “discovered, ” and the two musician s who playe d with him , Victo r and Jesu s Sanchez , wer e farmworkers. 30 Th e vas t majorit y o f Mexica n musicians neve r wer e abl e to suppor t themselve s as full-time artists . On e composer o f corridas, fo r example , worke d i n a cemen t plant , a lumbe r yard, a n oi l refinery , th e railroad , th e telephon e company , agricultura l fields, an d a t th e Biltmor e Hote l whil e composin g song s durin g th e 1920s an d 1930s. 31 Severa l who applie d fo r America n citizenshi p liste d additional occupation s wit h authorities. 32 A simila r situatio n existe d among Texa s conjunt o musicians . Accordin g t o Manue l Pena , the y “played an d earne d jus t enoug h t o satisf y a few—no t all—o f thei r eco nomic needs . Ther e simpl y were no t enoug h dance s durin g a week fo r EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use Familiar Sounds of Change: Music and th e Growth of Mass Culture 17 9 full-time employment : Saturda y an d Sunda y wer e practicall y the onl y days fo r celebrating.” 33 Los Angeles durin g th e 1920s , however, presente d more possibilitie s for earnin g a livelihood a s a musician than an y other locatio n outsid e o f Mexico City , o r perhap s San Antonio. T o begi n with , th e Lo s Angele s metropolitan are a contained a huge Spanish-speakin g population, secon d only t o Mexic o Cit y itself . B y 193 0 th e Chican o populatio n i n th e cit y of Lo s Angele s wa s large r than an y other i n th e Unite d States . Th e po tential audienc e fo r Mexica n musi c wa s enormous . Sinc e mos t o f thes e residents wer e recent migrant s from Mexico , the y often longed fo r tune s from thei r homeland . Other s ha d com e fro m sout h Texas , wher e th e Spanish-language musica l tradition wa s strong an d widespread. 34 In fact , one writer claimed in 193 2 tha t more Mexican music had been compose d in th e Unite d State s tha n i n Mexico. 35 One stimulu s t o th e Mexica n music industr y wa s th e explosio n o f Chicano theatr e i n Lo s Angele s durin g th e 1920s . Ove r thirt y Chican o playwrights moved t o th e cit y during the decade, producing show s rang ing fro m melodram a t o vaudeville . The Spanish-speakin g population o f the regio n wa s able to suppor t five major theatr e houses fro m 191 8 unti l the earl y 1930s : Teatro Hidalgo, Teatro Mexico , Teatro Capitol , Teatr o Zendejas (late r Novel) , an d Teatr o Principal . I n additio n t o thes e five which featured programs tha t change d daily , at least seventeen other the atres house d Spanish-speakin g professional companies on a more irregular basis. 36 Many o f thes e theatre s alternate d vaudevillian-styl e show s wit h Mexican- o r Hollywood-mad e silen t film s (thre e show s a day , fou r o n weekends) durin g th e 1920s . Bot h liv e performance s an d silen t movie s required musica l accompaniment. Theatres, therefore, provided relatively stable employmen t t o a divers e collectio n o f musician s throughou t th e 1920s. The lac k of formal training among many of the musicians did no t necessarily hampe r them , sinc e playing on th e street s often helpe d the m prepare fo r th e spontaneit y an d improvisatio n require d fo r thi s typ e o f performance. The presenc e o f a large numbe r o f middle-clas s Mexican expatriates also created a market for formall y traine d musicians who coul d rea d mu sic. The y performe d fo r a typ e o f theate r whic h feature d dram a fro m Spain wit h orchestra l accompaniment , simila r to th e mor e refine d enter tainment amon g th e middl e classes in Mexico City. While never enjoying the mas s appea l o f movie s an d vaudeville , this European-styl e perfor mance did provid e employment fo r othe r musician s from Mexico. 37 A mor e disparate , ye t stil l lucrativ e market fo r Mexica n musician s existed amon g th e street s an d informa l gatherings o f Lo s Angeles. Dur ing Mexica n patriotic festival s an d th e Christma s season , musician s ha d larger audiences, more exposure , and greater potentia l for earnings. Fro m these “auditions, ” Mexica n groups wer e ofte n recruite d t o pla y fo r wed – EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use 180 Shifting Homelands dings an d othe r ethni c festivities . Moreover , a marke t fo r “traditional ” Mexican musi c also existed among som e Angl o resident s of Los Angeles , often t o provid e a nostalgi c backdro p t o th e distinctiv e “Spanish ” pas t of th e city . Pedr o J . Gonzalez , fo r example , ofte n entertaine d a t partie s conducted b y cit y official s an d th e polic e department. 38 Anothe r corrida composer, Jesu s Osorio, was able to mak e a living as a singer combinin g work i n Olver a Stree t booths , privat e gatherings , an d i n th e smal l the atres an d cabaret s along Mai n Street. 39 The emergenc e o f Hollywoo d a s the leadin g movie-makin g capita l in the Unite d State s durin g th e 1920 s stimulated a flourishing recording industry i n th e cit y that bega n t o riva l Ne w York’s . Both thes e develop ments bode d wel l for Mexican musicians in Los Angeles, althoug h preju dice, unio n discrimination , an d the lac k of formal trainin g kept many ou t of regula r employmen t i n th e entertainmen t industrie s i n th e wester n part o f town . Still , b y providin g th e musi c i n English-speakin g theatres or workin g a s studio musicians , some wer e able to brea k into th e large r music busines s i n Lo s Angeles. 40 Eve n th e possibilit y o f suc h employ ment—”the drea m o f a life i n Hollywood”—was enough t o attrac t som e performers fro m sout h o f the border . Thus musician s fro m Mexic o flocke d t o Lo s Angele s durin g th e 1920s, becomin g a significan t segmen t o f th e Mexica n cultura l renaissance of that decade. Unlike the Harlem Renaissance , where black writers and entertainer s wer e ofte n sponsore d b y whit e patrons , thi s Chicano / Mexicano renaissanc e wa s largel y supporte d b y Mexica n immigrant s themselves an d existe d far out o f the sigh t o f the majorit y of Angelinos. The presenc e of large numbers of Mexican musicians in the cit y not onl y preserved th e sight s an d sound s familia r t o Mexica n immigrants; i t als o created a n environmen t o f cultura l experimentatio n wher e traditiona l music wa s blende d wit h ne w methods . I n short , musician s often serve d as social interpreters who translate d and reflecte d th e cultura l adaptations that wer e takin g plac e amon g th e Mexica n immigran t populatio n a s a whole.41 I n fact , on e astut e observe r o f corridas i n Lo s Angele s recog nized tha t thi s musi c often serve d t o “sin g wha t they canno t say” : Mexicans ar e s o intimidate d b y th e governmen t officials , eve n b y socia l workers, an d s o timi d o n accoun t of th e languag e difficulty tha t i t i s almost unheard o f fo r a Mexica n t o expres s hi s opinio n t o a n American . Here , however, h e is speaking to hi s own grou p an d a n emotional outlet i s offere d in th e writin g of corridas on th e subjec t s o well known to ever y Mexican. He is reasonabl y sure that only Mexicans will ever hear his corrida.* 2 Despite thei r economic an d cultural connection t o th e greater immi grant population , Mexica n musicians displayed different pattern s o f mi gration an d settlement . A s a group , the y wer e amon g th e firs t o f th e migrants t o se e th e advantage s o f settlin g i n Lo s Angeles , wit h man y arriving in the cit y around Worl d Wa r I or i n the earl y 1920s . Moreover , they usuall y arrive d as adults , crossin g the borde r at an averag e age of EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use Familiar Sounds o f Change: Music an d th e Growth of Mass Culture 18 1 twenty-four year s durin g th e 1910 s an d a n averag e of thirty-tw o year s during th e 1920s . Th e professio n wa s als o dominate d traditionall y b y men. Onl y fou r o f th e 11 0 musician s i n m y sampl e wer e women , an d two o f thes e liste d thei r occupatio n a s singers. On e stud y conducte d i n 1939, fo r example , foun d n o corrida writte n b y a woma n i n th e musi c shops o f Lo s Angeles. 43 Fe w avenue s o f opportunit y wer e availabl e t o women i n the Spanish-languag e music industry in Los Angeles, althoug h several women—includin g th e singe r Lydi a Mendoza—di d mak e name s for themselve s during th e 1930s . By necessity , mos t Mexica n musician s lived wes t o f th e river , eve n after man y o f thei r peopl e bega n t o ventur e int o Eas t Lo s Angeles. Th e recording an d fil m industr y wa s located i n th e wester n par t o f th e city , and Mexica n cultural life continue d t o b e centered aroun d th e plaz a and downtown area s of the cit y until the 1940s . Most Spanish-languag e the atres wer e locate d o n Mai n Street , an d opportunitie s fo r stead y incom e depended o n th e patronag e o f th e audience s tha t gathere d aroun d th e Placita o r i n downtow n restaurants . Durin g th e 1930 s whe n so-calle d “Latin” music clubs were established, they too wer e located i n the down town are a until afte r Worl d Wa r II . Lal o Guerrero , wh o arrive d i n Lo s Angeles i n 1937 , remembere d tha t no t unti l economi c opportunitie s around th e Plaz a decline d di d man y Mexican musicians decid e t o mov e to Eas t Lo s Angeles: Since th e club s in the westsid e started dying of t . . . the musician s that ha d not wante d t o com e t o Eas t L.A., becaus e they thought i t was a step down , . . . were practicall y forced to com e bac k becaus e ther e wa s no t to o muc h happening on th e westside , ‘caus e th e lati n scen e had passed. 44 The dat a confir m this patter n of residenc e for musicians : 60 percen t in th e naturalizatio n sampl e live d aroun d th e downtow n area , including 20 percen t tha t reside d nea r the Plaza . Thi s compare s with les s than 3 9 percent o f the overal l sample who live d downtown, an d 9 percent whos e residence was located i n the Plaz a area.45 Steady income an d the openin g up o f the electri c railway int o East Lo s Angeles gave some musician s the opportunity t o mov e to Belveder e or some of the other communitie s eas t of th e river . Pedr o J . Gonzalez , fo r example , moved t o Belveder e afte r residing clos e to th e Plaza. 46 This residentia l patter n i s a n indicatio n tha t lif e a s a musicia n di d not usuall y provide the glamou r an d security which man y associated wit h the entertainmen t field . Eve n th e adven t in th e 1920 s o f a n ethni c mass market centere d i n Lo s Angeles , whic h prompte d America n recordin g companies an d loca l entrepreneurs t o searc h fo r Mexica n musica l talent, meant onl y short-live d economi c returns . Rapi d exploitatio n o f th e tal ents o f musician s brough t quic k profit s t o upstar t recordin g companie s but lef t mos t Chican o performers—eve n thos e wh o develope d a loyal following—with limite d resources to sho w fo r thei r newfound fame . When Lo s Hermano s Banuelo s firs t recorde d “E l Lavaplatos, ” the y EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use 182 Shifting Homelands ushered i n th e commercia l recordin g o f Mexica n music. Already, several large America n recordin g companie s suc h a s Vocalion, Oke h ( a subsidiary o f Columbia) , Decca , an d Bluebir d (RCA ) ha d begu n t o produc e “race” records, featurin g black fol k music . These companie s now realize d the potentia l ethni c marke t amon g Mexicans , an d sough t ou t Chican o musicians an d singer s fro m Texa s t o California . Man y o f th e earl y re cording session s too k plac e in temporary studio s locate d i n Lo s Angele s hotels, wher e a steady stream o f performer s were expected t o produc e a finished produc t i n one o r tw o “takes.” 47 To mos t musicians , the $1 5 o r $2 0 the y earne d pe r recor d seeme d substantial fo r a fe w hours ‘ work , especiall y whe n compare d wit h th e wages the y earne d a s laborers or th e limite d income fro m playin g on th e streets. Ye t these tin y sum s wer e a pittanc e relativ e to th e hundred s o r thousands o f dollar s an y singl e recording coul d earn , eve n wit h record s selling fo r 3 5 cent s apiece . Musicians rarely earne d sufficien t incom e t o feel secur e a s recording artists . Offerin g onl y “contracts” tha t wer e usually verba l agreement s consistin g o f n o royaltie s o r othe r subsidiar y rights, th e recordin g companie s profite d handsomel y fro m thi s enter prise.48 Simila r contractua l agreement s wer e mad e wit h Chican o artist s as lat e a s the 1940s , eve n though th e pa y scale ha d move d u p t o $5 0 a side or $10 0 pe r record. 49 Local ethni c middleme n playe d an importan t rol e i n identifyin g talented musician s an d puttin g the m i n contact wit h recordin g companies . In Lo s Angeles , on e importan t liaso n was Mauricio Calderon , owne r o f the music store Repertori o Musica l Mcxicana, established on Mai n Street around 192 0 to featur e records and phonographs produce d by Columbia Records. Accordin g to Pedr o J. Gonzalez , Caldero n was in charg e of everything i n Lo s Angele s tha t relate d t o Mexica n music. H e recruite d talented musician s by advertising in the Spanish-languag e press, and kept an ea r ou t fo r th e lates t musica l trends amon g th e city’ s performer s and audiences. No t onl y di d Caldero n mak e mone y b y servin g a s a go between betwee n America n companie s an d th e Mexica n artists, bu t h e also hel d a monopoly o n th e area-wid e distribution o f thes e recording s through hi s store . A standar d practic e o f th e tim e fo r suc h businesse s was to sel l phonographs a s well as records, an d store s suc h as Calderon’ s profited a s well from these items . In fact , Calderon’ s store , locate d at 41 8 North Mai n Stree t nea r th e Plaza , regularl y promoted itsel f b y usin g a loudspeaker mounte d i n fron t o n th e stor e playin g the lates t corrida. A small group of men regularl y stood in front of the store, listening intently and enjoyin g th e music . Another popula r promotio n tacti c wa s t o giv e away record s wit h th e purchas e of a Victrola. 50 American law s prohibite d th e importatio n o f record s fro m Mexico , a fact which greatl y stimulated th e recordin g industr y in Los Angeles. I n addition, Mexica n companie s wer e no t allowe d t o recor d i n th e Unite d States. Thes e restriction s severel y crippled the musi c industry i n Mexico, while creatin g a vast economic opportunit y fo r American companies and EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use Familiar Sounds o f Change: Music an d th e Growth o f Mass Culture 18 3 ethnic entrepreneurs . Whe n Mexica n recording s wer e finall y admitte d during th e 1950s , interes t i n immigran t an d native-bor n Spanish language talen t evaporate d quickly , an d man y Chican o musician s wer e left withou t a n outle t i n th e recordin g world . I n fact , som e label s which had showcase d Mexica n artists, such as Imperial, began concentratin g o n black rhyth m an d blue s artists , suc h a s Fat s Domin o an d T-Bon e Walker.51′ During th e 1920 s an d 1930s , however , a vibran t environmen t fo r Mexican musi c existe d i n Lo s Angeles . Anothe r facto r i n creatin g thi s cultural explosio n wa s the adven t of the radio . Durin g th e 1920s , com mercial radi o wa s stil l i n a n experimenta l era wher e corporat e sponsor s and statio n managers tried to discove r how best t o make radio broadcast ing profitabl e an d enlightening . Fo r mos t o f th e decade , th e radi o wa s seen a s a way of upliftin g th e masses , o f bringin g elit e American culture into th e home s o f commo n laborers. 52 B y the en d o f th e decade , how ever, advertisin g an d corporat e economi c interest s dominate d th e air waves. This transformation create d a market fo r Spanish-language broadcasts. Althoug h man y Angl o American s continue d t o believ e tha t onl y English shoul d b e hear d o n th e nation’ s airwaves , the goa l o f reachin g Spanish-speaking consumers silence d their opposition . American radio programmers schedule d Spanish-languag e broadcasts during “dead ” airtime—earl y morning , lat e night , o r weeken d period s which ha d prove n t o b e unprofitabl e fo r Englis h programs . Pedr o J . Gonzalez remember s firs t broadcastin g fro m 4 t o 6 a.m . o n Statio n KELW ou t o f Burbank . He ofte n schedule d liv e music , includin g man y amateur musician s an d singer s fro m th e community. 53 Whil e Angl o Americans wer e rarel y listenin g a t thi s hour , man y Mexica n immigrant s tuned int o Gonzalez’ s broadcast s whil e the y prepare d fo r earl y mornin g work shifts . Gonzalez’ s dail y show s provide d da y laborer s importan t in formation abou t job s a s wel l a s cherishe d enjoymen t t o worker s wh o toiled al l day.54 Corporate radi o sponsor s i n th e mid-1920 s wer e quic k t o under stand th e profitabilit y o f ethni c programs . Larg e advertiser s such a s Folgers Coffe e use d airtim e t o pus h thei r produc t i n th e Spanish-speakin g market. Mor e often , loca l businesse s appealed to Mexica n immigrants to frequent thei r establishments . I n Lo s Angeles , radi o broadcastin g soo n became a highl y competitiv e industry . B y sellin g block s o f airtim e t o foreign-language brokers , marginall y profitable stations coul d captur e a reacly-made market . Durin g th e lat e 1920s , th e hour s dedicate d t o Spanish-language broadcast s multiplied . Gonzalez’ s progra m wa s ex panded unti l 7 a.m. , an d additiona l hours wer e adde d a t lunchtime an d in the earl y evening. Chicano broker s such as Mauricio Calderon profited handsomely as they negotiate d wit h stations , payin g them a flat rate during chea p broadcastin g time , whic h the y the n sol d t o businesse s adver tisements.55 Key t o th e succes s of Spanish-languag e broadcastin g wa s it s appea l EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use 184 Shifting Homelands to th e thousand s o f working-clas s Mexican immigrants within the reac h of a station’ s radi o signal . Radio , unlik e L a Opinion an d othe r periodi cals, reache d Mexica n immigrant s whethe r o r no t the y coul d read . I n addition, the conten t o f radi o programming focuse d less on th e taste s of the expatriat e middl e clas s an d mor e o n thos e o f th e masses . A 194 1 analysis of Spanish-language programming foun d that ove r 88 percen t of on-air time (outsid e of advertisements) was dedicated to music , with only 4 percen t use d fo r news. 56 Programmin g wa s dominated b y “traditional ” music fro m th e Mexica n countryside , rathe r tha n th e orchestral , mor e “refined” sound s o f th e Mexica n capita l an d othe r larg e urba n centers . “The corrido , th e shouts , an d al l that stuf f wa s popular ” wit h workin g people, remembere d Gonzalez . Althoug h som e bemoane d th e commer cialization o f th e corrido traditio n an d it s remova l fro m it s “fol k tradi tion,” most Mexica n immigrants foun d this transformation to their liking because i t fit well with thei r ow n adaptation s t o urba n living. 57 The potentia l powe r generate d b y this mass appeal was so substantial that it not onl y threatened the cultural hegemon y of the Mexican middl e class i n Lo s Angele s bu t als o worrie d loca l Angl o America n officials . Gonzalez himsel f was the targe t o f District Attorne y Buro n Fitts , who i n 1934 ha d th e musicia n arreste d o n trumped-u p charges . Earlier , Fitt s had attempte d t o forc e Gonzale z off the ai r by getting federa l authoritie s to rescin d his broadcasting license . Along with other governmen t author ities, Fitt s believe d tha t onl y Englis h shoul d b e hear d o n th e radi o an d that onl y America n citizen s should hav e the righ t t o broadcast . A s a result, man y radi o station s curtaile d their Spanish-languag e program s dur ing th e earl y 1930s , ofte n becaus e of the continue d harassmen t directed at ethni c broadcaster s an d th e impositio n o f mor e strigen t rule s fo r ra dio licensing. 58 These restriction s i n th e Unite d State s encourage d th e growt h o f Spanish-language broadcastin g i n Mexico. Although man y American stations continue d t o reserv e Spanish-language blocks, entrepreneur s based just acros s th e borde r capitalize d on th e potentia l marke t on bot h side s by constructing powerfu l radio towers capabl e of reaching far-flung audiences. Increasingly , individual s unable t o b e hear d o n American-base d stations move d thei r operation s t o Mexico . I t prove d muc h harde r fo r American authoritie s to contro l th e airwaves than th e recording industry . Mexican immigrant s coul d no w liste n to radi o programming fro m Mexico itself , ironically often featurin g music performed b y U.S.-based Mexicans.59 The economi c crisi s of the 1930 s curtailed much of Mexican cultural activity i n Lo s Angeles . First , deportatio n an d repatriatio n campaign s pushed almos t one-thir d o f th e Mexica n community bac k to Mexico , effectively restrictin g th e marke t fo r Spanish-languag e advertisin g cam paigns. Second , th e enthusias m of America n companie s fo r investin g in “experimental” market s tha t di d no t insur e a steady flo w o f incom e un derstandably cooled. The Mexica n immigrant community itsel f had fewe r EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use Familiar Sounds o f Change: Music an d th e Growth of Mass Culture 18 5 resources t o suppor t cultura l activities, given it s precarious economic sit uation. Sinc e expenditure s o n leisure-tim e activities wer e the firs t t o b e reduced during times of need, man y families cut back drastically on atten dance a t musica l event s o r th e purchas e o f radio s an d phonographs . Many theatre s i n th e communit y shu t dow n durin g th e Grea t De pression.60 Movies an d other form s o f cheap, cross-cultura l entertainmen t con tinued t o thriv e i n Depression-er a Lo s Angeles . Simpl y becaus e o f th e economics o f scale , Hollywoo d wa s able t o continu e t o produc e enter tainment accessibl e to familie s a t ever y economic level . I n addition , th e introduction o f soun d t o motio n picture s mad e i t mor e difficul t t o sus tain a steady Spanish-language audienc e with Mexica n imports, sinc e the Mexican fil m industr y ha d difficult y throughou t th e transitio n o f th e 1930s.61 Englis h talking-pictures , o n th e othe r hand , ha d a wider, an d therefore mor e secur e audience. The adven t o f sound coincide d wit h th e rise of the secon d generatio n o f Mexican s in this country, mor e likel y to be as fluent in Englis h a s in Spanish . Increasingly, changing demograph ics and limited economic resource s stunte d th e growth of the ethni c market. A new er a i n Mexican/Chicano cultura l activity began. Although commercia l activit y wa s slowe d durin g th e Depression , Mexican cultura l lif e di d no t di e ou t i n Lo s Angeles . Indeed , aspect s o f cultural lif e wer e altere d dramatically , reflectin g th e changin g composi tion an d nature of the Mexican/Chicano community. Musica l activity, for example, becam e les s dependen t o n corrida story-tellin g (whic h require d the abilit y to understan d Spanis h lyrics ) an d more concentrate d i n dance clubs. L a Bamb a nigh t club , a t Mac y an d Sprin g streets , an d L a Cas a Olvera, adjacen t t o Olver a Street , wer e onl y tw o o f man y smal l club s which opene d durin g th e decade . Dancing , o f course , di d no t requir e a working knowledg e of Spanish, and had appea l well beyond the Mexican immigrant population. 62 Second-generation youth , i n particular, flooded the danc e clubs during th e 1930s . Socia l commentator s o f th e perio d commente d o n th e “dance craze” tha t ha d seemingly overtaken adolescent s an d young adult s in Mexica n American families . On e suc h nineteen-year-old , know n onl y as Alfredo to hi s interviewer, boastfully explained this “craze”: I lov e t o danc e bette r tha n anythin g els e i n the world . I t i s something tha t gets i n you r blood . Lot s of boy s ar e that way. I go t o five dances a week. I can’t wait fo r Saturday night because al l the tim e I am thinking o f the dance . It i s in my system . I could get a job playin g my trumpet in a n orchestra bu t then I couldn’ t dance . I qui t schoo l becaus e I got plent y o f everything the y teach, bu t dancing. 63 This ne w “danc e craze ” di d no t ofte n si t wel l wit h Mexica n immigran t parents. Eve n when participatio n wa s closely chaperoned i n school clubs and community centers , publi c dancing seeme d t o offen d th e sensibilitie s of decenc y amon g older Mexicans . Increasingly , however , i t becam e dif- EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use 186 Shifting Homelands ficult fo r parent s t o withstan d th e effec t o f pee r pressur e on thei r chil dren, a s evidenced b y the word s o f one mothe r i n the earl y 1930s: Juanita ha s joined a club and no w sh e wants t o lear n to dance . That i s what comes o f thes e clubs . I t i s wrong t o danc e an d m y Juanit a want s t o d o i t because th e other s do . Becaus e everybody doe s i t doe s no t mak e i t right . I know th e thing s I was taught a s a girl and right an d wrong canno t change. 64 Although th e vas t majority of musicians and clientele in each of these establishments wer e Mexican, the musi c demonstrated a wide variet y of American and Latin American styles. Cuban music was especially popular in th e latte r hal f of th e decade , wit h man y orchestras specializin g in th e mambo. Th e Cuba n styl e wa s popula r throughou t Lati n America , an d this tren d filtere d int o Lo s Angele s throug h travelin g band s an d musi cians. Regula r group s tha t playe d i n thes e club s al l include d Mexica n songs i n thei r repertoire. 65 I n addition , English-languag e musi c increasingly becam e popula r amon g American-bor n youth. Man y Mexican immigrants bemoane d thi s turn o f events, as evidenced by the comment s o f one unname d senora : The old Spanis h song s are sung only be the old people . The youn g one s can sing th e “Boop-da-oop ” like yo u hea r on th e radi o bu t the y can’ t sin g mor e than on e vers e of L a Cruz. D o yo u kno w La. Cruz? It i s very beautiful . It i s about ou r Lor d carryin g th e cross . I t i s sad . I n Mexic o w e woul d al l sin g for hour s whil e someon e playe d a guitar. Bu t here , ther e ar e the drum s an d the saxophones. 66 Undoubtedly, a mor e eclecti c an d divers e musical lif e tha n i n forme r decades emerge d amon g th e Mexican/Chican o communit y i n Lo s Angeles. I n fact , Lo s Angele s probabl y offered a riche r environment fo r such leisure-time activit y than an y other cit y in the American Southwest . This diversit y of choice i n musical styles and tast e not onl y created a more experimenta l environmen t fo r musician s themselve s bu t als o re flected development s i n Chican o cultur e a s a whole. Clearly , the contro l of th e individua l ove r hi s o r he r ow n cultura l choice s parallele d th e growth of an ethnic consumer market. In a consumer society, eac h Mexican immigran t alone , o r i n conjunctio n wit h family , embrace d cultura l change—consciously or unconsciously—through the purchase of material goods o r b y participation i n certain functions. Neither th e Mexica n elite nor th e Anglo America n reformers inten t on Americanization could com pletely determine th e characte r of these private decisions. Instead , a n unsteady relationshi p betwee n America n corporations , loca l businesses , Mexican entrepreneurs , an d th e largel y working-class communit y itsel f influenced th e rang e o f cultural practices and consume r item s available in the Spanish-languag e market . If appeals to Mexica n nationalism could b e used t o sel l a product , the n s o b e it . Althoug h barrier s t o th e ethni c market wer e constructe d b y loca l officials , particularl y during th e Grea t EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use Familiar Sounds of Change: Music and the Growth of Mass Culture 18 7 Depression, chang e i n economi c circumstance s an d i n cultura l taste s o f the population ha d the most importan t impact . Appeal t o th e taste s o f youth als o created subtle powe r shift s withi n the Chican o community. I n Mexico , few outlets wer e availabl e to youn g people fo r influencin g cultural practice s i n a n individua l village or eve n one’s ow n family . Th e America n metropolis , o n th e othe r hand , gav e Mexican yout h a n opportunit y t o exercis e mor e cultura l prerogative s merely by purchasing certain product s o r going to the movies . Rebellio n against famil y ofte n went han d i n hand wit h a shift towar d mor e American habits . Thi s patter n wa s stimulate d b y th e exten t t o whic h adoles cents an d unmarrie d son s an d daughter s worke d an d retained som e o f their ow n income . A s the secon d generatio n cam e to dominat e th e Chi cano population b y the lat e 1930s, their tastes redefined the community’s cultural practice s and futur e direction s o f cultural adaptation. Behind th e vas t America n commercia l networ k la y a n enterprisin g group of ethnic entrepreneur s who serve d a s conduits betwee n th e Mexican immigran t populatio n an d th e corporat e world . Thes e individual s were ofte n th e firs t t o recogniz e cultura l changes an d spendin g pattern s among th e immigran t population . Individual s such as Mauricio Calderon and Pedr o J . Gonzale z wer e abl e to promot e Mexica n music i n entirel y new form s i n Lo s Angele s becaus e they ha d dail y contac t wit h ordinar y members o f the Lo s Angeles Mexica n community. Althoug h the y found tangible financia l reward s i n thei r efforts , the y als o serve d a n importan t role i n redefinin g Mexican culture in a n American urban environment . EBSCOhost – printed on 4/8/2023 12:38 AM via TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY. All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use
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