Conflict and Its Resolution in Small Groups of One- and Two-Year-Olds Marlene Caplan University JoEUen Vespo Utica College, Syracuse University Jan Pedersen Lebanon Valley College Dale F. Hay MRC Child Psychiatry Unit, London CAPLAN, MABLENE; VESPO, JOELLEN; PEDEHSEN, JAN; and HAY, DALE F . Conflict and Its Resolution in Small Groups of One- and Two-Year-Olds. CHILD DEVELOPMENT, 1991,62,1513-1524.481- and 48 2-year-olds were observed in groups of 3 for 25 min on 2 consecutive days, once with ample resources and once with scarce resources. The triads were composed of either 2 girls and a boy or 2 boys and a girl, and duplicate copies of toys were available for half the groups. Their conflicts contained interpersonal features and were more affected by social influences than by the availability of resources. Gontrary to expectations, scarcity of resources did not result in increased conflict. In fact, 2-year-olds were more likely to resolve conflict by sharing when toys were scarce. The provision of duplicates decreased the probability of conflict, but many conflicts occurred even when a duplicate was easily accessible. The form of conflict depended on the children’s age and the gender composition of the group. Older children and groups dominated by boys, relative to younger children and groups dominated by girls, were less likely to use force and more likely to resolve disputes in prosocial ways. Taken together, these flndings provide further evidence for the social nature of conflict in the first few years of life. Whenever members of social groups The most common type of conflict in spend time together, conflicts over resources early childhood takes the form of struggles periodically arise. Even in early childhood, over tangible resources, usually toys (see redisputes between age-mates have been doc- views by Hay, 1984; Shantz, 1987). This fact umented in day-care centers (Bakeman & has been assumed to indicate that conflict is Brownlee, 1982; Holmberg, 1980), nursery “socially blind” (Bronson, 1975; Maudry & schools (Caplan, 1986; Laursen & Hartup, Nekula, 1939), that it is best viewed as a ser1989), and laboratory playrooms (Hay & endipitous encounter occurring when two Ross, 1982; Maudry & Nekula, 1939). But children accidentally seek access to the what, if anything, do these early conflicts same toy at the same time. As a result, conmean? Are they truly social? Or do they oc- flict among young peers is considered neicur simply as a function of instrumental ther hostile nor even particularly social. This needs, when two children simultaneously notion echoes a classic distinction made by pursue their own self-interests in the same Lewis Coser (1956) between conflict that is environment? a realistic, self-interested response to an obThe research was supported by a Faculty Scholars Grant from the Foundation for Ghild Development. We gratefully acknowledge the contributions of Sylvia Gecire, Donna Noyes, and several undergraduate research assistants for help with data collection, videotape coding, and transcript coding. The valuable suggestions of four anonymous reviewers were also appreciated. Portions of this research were presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Ghild Development, Washington, DG, April 1987. Requests for reprints should be directed to Marlene Gaplan, Thomas Goram Research Unit, University of London, 41 Brunswick Square, London, England WGIN lAZ. [Child Development, 1991,62,1513-1524. © 1991 by the Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. All rights reserved. 0009-3920/91/6206-0015$01.00] 1514 Child Development jective situation, such as resource scarcity, and conflict that reflects social issues, such as the desire to possess resources belonging to another or the intrinsic pleasure derived from annoying one’s companions. However, there is some evidence to suggest that young children’s conflicts reflect social issues as well as instrumental ones. Even in infancy, the attractiveness of a toy appears to increase when another individual contacts it (Eckerman, Whatley, & McGehee, 1979). Furthermore, in a study of 21-month-old peers. Hay and Ross (1982) found that socially pertinent events tended to surround conflicts. The “winners” of toys, for example, did not invariably proceed to play with the spoils of victory as would be expected. Rather, they often abandoned a toy just won in favor of the next toy contacted by a peer. Social considerations were also evidenced by the tendency of a child to seize a toy belonging to a peer while actually holding a duplicate copy. For example, a child would drop one wheelbarrow, run across the room, and wrest another identical wheelbarrow out of the peer’s hands. To examine whether young children’s object struggles were primarily instrumental or had more social features, the availability of resources in the environment was varied. Several small groups of children were observed on two consecutive days. Groupings of three (rather than two) increased the opportunity to witness conflict, while permitting reliable coding of each child’s actions. On one day, toys were plentiful; on the other day, toys were scarce. If the children’s conflicts were primarily instrumental and “realistic,” in Coser’s (1956) terms, conflict should occur more often when resources were in short supply. In addition, for half the groups, the toys provided on each day were available in duplicate. In such cases, a child seeking access to a particular type of toy would have another exemplar of the prototype present (unless one child held both copies or a third child possessed the second copy). If conflict represents a realistic quest for toys, guided by individuals’ instrumental concerns, it should occur more often when each item is unique and not duplicated elsewhere in the room. The form of children’s conflicts was also expected to be influenced by resource availability. The components examined included acts that initiate conflict, the means by which children object to the behavior of their companions, the use of force, strategies for resolution, and the tendency to interact peacefully afterward. If conflict is an objective response to an environmental situation, more forceful means of seeking access to and defending possessions would be anticipated when resources are scarce and unique in the environment. In addition, conflict resolution under such conditions might well be less harmonious. We also sought positive evideiice that the children’s conflicts were indeed social by examining the interpersonal context within which it occurred. This was done at both a molecular and a more molar level, in terms of the immediate context of conflict and the general social structure of the group. On a molecular level, if conflict ensues from primarily instrumental concerns, it would be expected to occur in a context devoid of positive social interaction. As in an earlier study (Hay & Ross, 1982), socially pertinent events surrounding the children’s conflicts were recorded. In this case, however, explicitly positive social overtures, such as sharing of possessions, showing and demonstration of toys, and displays of affection toward peers, were charted. At the molar level, we examined whether the gender composition of the triad would affect the extent and nature of the children’s conflicts. Half the groups were composed of two girls and a boy, the others of two boys and a girl. Studies of children in preschool classrooms have suggested that conflicts occur more often between boys than between girls or between a boy and a girl (e.g.. Smith & Green, 1975). However, gender differences were not observed in the conflicts of same-gender pairs of 21-montholds (Hay & Ross, 1982). Here we extended the focus on gender differences to the group level, asking whether a preponderance of males or females in a group creates a social climate in which conflict is more or less frequent. Finally, developmental issues were addressed by means of a cross-sectional comparison of 12- and 24-month-olds. Conflict between children younger than 8 months of age seems virtually absent (Hay, Nash, & Pedersen, 1983; Maudry & Nekula, 1939). By 12 months of age, however, infants typically become mobile, begin to engage in reciprocal and complementary play (Howes, 1988), start to comprehend the permanence of objects (Piaget, 1952), and express anger (Malatesta, Culver, Tesman, & Shepard, Caplan et al. 1989). It seems likely that the capacity to engage in conflict emerges around this time, and a major aim of the study was to document this speculation. Presumably, the incidence and form of conflict change as children grow older; therefore, we anticipated signiflcant differences between groups of 12- and 24-montholds. Given the increasing motoric abilities, cognitive and verbal skills, and general capacity for social interaction over the second year of life (Eckerman, Davis, & Didow, 1989), conflict may occur more frequently among 2-year-olds than 1-year-olds. However, the precise pattem of age differences may elucidate the central issue concerning the social as opposed to instrumental nature of early conflict. If conflict is governed primarily by instrumental concerns, it might be expected to decline in frequency over the second year of life as children learn to pursue their interests in other ways (e.g., Dunn, 1988). On the other hand, if conflict serves sojcial functions, it might be expected to remain relatively stable or increase in frequency because of the important role it serves in social negotiation throughout development (Shantz, 1987). Whatever the changes in the incidence of conflict over the second year, its form would be expected to undergo systematic transformation in the same way that other social phenomena do (see Dorval & Gundy, 1990). Therefore, qualitative differences in the conflicts of 12- and 24-month-old children were predicted. For example, the tendency to use force may shift during this period. In a longitudinal study of children between the ages of 12 and 42 months, the proportion of “assertive initiations” (i.e., taking an object, striking a peer, making a negative command) was found to decline with age (Holmberg, 1980). Of particular interest was the manner in which very young children resolve their disputes. During the toddler period, the most frequent type of resolution takes the form of yielding, when one child surrenders a toy to another (Dawe, 1934). By the preschool years, however, prosocial actions— sometimes described as “conciliatory gestures” (Sackin & Thelen, 1984)—are observed. These gestures include showing, offering, or giving objects, cooperative propositions, and affectionate behavior. They are 1515 important in that they predict the likelihood of harmonious outcomes immediately following the conflict episode (Sackin & Thelen, 1984; Vespo & Caplan, 1988). Furthermore, Deutsch (1973) has contended that conflicts can only be considered resolved if both antagonists are satisfied with the state of affairs. A return to harmonious interaction would appear to meet this criterion. We speculated that older children’s conflicts would contain more prosocial resolutions and peaceful interactions following disputes, thus providing further evidence for the evolving social nature of young children’s conflict. However, this might depend to some extent on the resources available and the social context of disputes. In sum, conflict in early life could be defended as primarily instrumental and realistic if it increased in frequency under conditions of scarce and nonduplicated resources, and possibly if it showed a systematic decline with age. Alternatively, early conflict would qualify as social if it was relatively impervious to the physical resources present, if it occurred in the context of positive social interaction, and if it were affected by the social climate created by the gender composition of a group. We hypothesized that the social nature of conflict might itself, however, be a developmental phenomenon, with the conflicts of older children showing clearer social hallmarks. Method Design The data used in this study were collected as part of a larger research project on early peer relations (see also Hay, Caplan, Castle, & Stimson, in press). Ninety-six children were observed in small groups of three (N = 32 triads) for 25 min on each of two consecutive days.^ Sixteen of the triads consisted of 1-year-olds and 16 of the triads were 2-year-oIds. In half the cases, the triads were composed of two girls and a boy, the others of two boys and a girl. For half of the groups, particular types of toys were available in duplicate; for the other half, only one exemplar of each type of toy was available. Each group was observed on 2 days, once under the condition of ample resources and once under the condition of scarce resources. The presentation order for resource condition was counterbalanced across the groups. ‘ Due to equipment failure, the first of the two 25-min observation sessions for one of the triads was only 22 min. The rate of conflict was adjusted accordingly. 1516 Child Development The Children Of the 96 children who participated in this study, 48 had a mean age of 11.9 months (range, 10.2-14.0) and 48 had a mean age of 24.8 months (range, 23.2-26.1). Half of the children were male and half were female. They all lived with their families in middleclass suburban communities in the northeastern United States. Twenty-six of the 1-year-olds had at least one older sibling (range, 0—4), one had a twin, and none had any younger siblings. Thirty-one of the 2year-olds had at least one older sibling (range, 0-4), seven had only younger siblings (range, 0-2), and two had both younger and older siblings. On the average, the children’s mothers were 31.4 years old (range, 22-41); their fathers were 33.7 years old (range, 24—52). With respect to education, 53.8% of the mothers and 56.3% of the fathers had earned degrees beyond high school. Thirty-one percent of the mothers worked outside the home on a full- or part-time basis. The children’s names had been obtained from birth announcements in local papers. A letter describing the purpose and procedures of the study was sent to parents, and appointments were scheduled during a follow-up telephone call. Written consent was obtained at the time of observation. Groupings of the children were made solely on the basis of age and gender, as well as the convenience of the parents. The members of each triad had not met prior to the initial day of testing; thus, the interactions examined in this study are relevant to situations when young children are first getting acquainted. Environment The children were observed in a brightly decorated, carpeted playroom in the presence of their caregivers. On one day, only two toys were available (scarce condition); on the other day, six toys were available (ample condition). Half of the groups were observed in the presence of duplicated toys (two copies of one toy in the scarce condition and two copies of three toys in the ample condition), while half were observed in the presence of single exemplars. The toys provided were randomly drawn from a pool of eight and included pull-carts, airplanes, block sets, balls, stacking rings, dolls, phones, and txihs. A one-way observation window, housing a video recorder and camera with a wide-angle lens, was located along one wall of the playroom. Another video camera, accompanied by a microphone and pan-tilt lens, was mounted near the ceiling on the opposite side of the room. This camera was equipped with a zoom lens to permit precise recording of the children’s behavioral interactions. Procedure Prior to each session, the mothers (and one father) were greeted in three separate reception rooms and then escorted with their children to the playroom. They were instructed to sit on large pillows arranged in a semicircle on the floor, to interact naturally with one another, and to allow their children to play freely with the toys and the other children. The caregivers were asked not to intervene in the children’s play except in the event of physical harm. When each observation session was completed, the caregivers and children were escorted back to their respective reception rooms, thanked for their participation, and given financial compensation for travel. Measures Coding children’s moves.—The video records were transcribed according to predetermined categories, designed to provide a highly structured running account of triadic interaction.^ Each 25-min session of observation was coded into various acts (e.g., reach toy, point to toy, verbalize to peer, withdraw toy) displayed by each of the three children as they interacted with one another and the available toys. Since each act could co-occur with others, a “move” constituted the unit of observation. A move comprised one or more acts exhibited by a child concurrently (i.e., within a 3-sec interval). One observer coded all videotape sessions. Another two independent observers coded 25% of the videotapes, which were randomly selected. Agreement between observers was calculated on two levels: flrst with respect to “unitizing,” and second with respect to code assignment, following procedures recommended by Bakeman and Gottman (1986). In this study, the unit consisted of moves displayed by each child. Percentage agreement for the extent to which two observers saw a move at the same time was 88%.^ Agreement was then calculated for the ^ A complete coding manual is available from the flrst author. •* According to Bakeman and Gottman (1986), percentage agreement is the method of choice in situations where unit boundaries are dictated hy events rather than time. Caplan et al. speciflc types of acts comprising the move when two observers agreed that a unit had occurred. Kappa coefficients for the various acts charted in this study ranged from .79 for “other contact” to 1.0 for “affection,” with a mean of .89. The kappa coefficient for the overall coding scheme was .82. Coding children’s conflicts.—The primary observer’s records were used for all further coding. The records were examined for signs of conflict over the possession of toys. A conflict was determined to be in progress when one child objected to the behavior of another by protesting, physically resisting, trying to regain the toy, or forcefully retaliating against another’s attempt to use a toy (Hay & Ross, 1982). A conflict was cOiisidered ended when 10 moves (approximately 30 sec) had elapsed with no evidence of t)rotest, resistance, or retaliation. The extent to which two independent raters agreed on the presence of conflict was 97%. The conflict episodes were further subdivided into categories of initiation, objection, force, resolution, and outcome. Table 1 presents the specific acts comprising each category. Initiations were classified into distal, proximal, and forceful categories. Verbalizations could accompany any initiation category or occur alone as an initiation. The first objection, marking the onset of conflict, was coded into one of four categories; verbal protest, physical resistance, attempts to regain the desired object, and retaliation, Fotce displayed at any time during the course of conflict was classified into one of two categories: instrumental and personal. 1517 Resolutions were initially coded into one of four categories: yields, prosocial actions— Sackin and Thelen’s “conciliatory gestures” (offer or give object, cooperative proposition, gentle touching of peer), distraction, and adult intervention. Given the low base rates of the latter two categories, only yielding and prosocial resolutions were analyzed in the present study. Outcome was coded according to whether the antagonists interacted peacefully or discontinued interaction during the 10 moves (approximately 30 sec) following the dispute. One observer coded all transcripts and another independent observer coded 25%. Interrater agreement (kappa) was .89 for initiations, .91 for objections, .90 for the use of force, .88 for resolutions, and .93 for outcomes. Coding the social context of conflict.— The 10 moves (approximately 30 sec) immediately preceding and following each conflict were examined for signs of positive social interaction between the conflict participants. The behaviors charted were offers and gives, the showing and demonstration of toys, and gentle touching of the peer. One observer coded all transcripts and another independent observer coded 25%. Interrater agreement (kappa) was .98 for the identification of positive social interaction surrounding the conflicts. Data Analysis A set of repeated-measures 2 (age) x 2 (resource scarcity) X 2 (resource duplication) X 2 (gender composition) x 2 (order of resource presentation) ANOVAs was performed on the frequency and form of TABLE 1 CODING SCHEME FOR FEATURES OF CHILDREN’S CONFLICTS Gategory Initiations: Distal Proximal Forceful Verbal Objections: Verbal protest Resist Try to regain Retaliate Use of force: Iqstnimental Personal Resolutions: Yield Prosocial Description Point to peer’s toy, approach peer, lean toward peer, bump peer, face peer Reach peer’s toy, contact peer’s toy, take peer’s toy Tug on peer’s toy, forceful physical contact directed to peer Vocalize to peer, speak to peer Fuss, protest Move away, withdraw toy, withdraw physically Reach peer’s toy, contact peer’s toy, tug peer’s toy Forceful physical contact directed to peer Tug on peer’s toy Forceful physical contact directed to peer Release toy to peer Offer toy, give toy, touch peer, give affection to peer 1518 ChUd Development TABLE 2 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS BY ACE, GENDER COMPOSITION, PIESOUHCE DUPLICATION, AND RESOURCE SCARCITY FOR SELECTED CONFLICT VARIABLES 12-MONTH-OLDS GGB Frequency of conflict: Scarce Ample Instrumental force:” Scarce Ample Prosocial resolutions:” Scarce Ample 24-MONTH-OLDS BBG GGB BBG Dup Non-Dup Dup Non-Dup Dup Non-Dup Dup Non-Dup 3.8 (2.2) 4.3 (2.1) 5.0 (2.2) 7.5 (2.6) 6.0 (4.1) 5.0 (1.4) 3.8 (3.1) 7.3 (4.0) 5.8 (2.8) 7.0 (1.8) 13.8 (5.7) 6.5 (3.1) 3.0 (2.5) 4.8 (1.5) 3.3 (4.8) 6.8 (5.3) 42,5 (39.0) 75.0 (39.7) 32.1 (13.2) 49.9 (12.0) 47.5 (18.7) 31.8 (26.6) 34.4 (27.7) 44.2 (13.2) 20,6 (15.6) 30.4 (21.6) 31.4 (16.3) 25.8 (21.2) 36.7 (15.3) 50.0 (16.7) 44.1 (16.9) 24.2 (21.0) 0 (.0) 4.2 (8.3) 3.1 (6.3) 2.8 (5.6) .0 (.0) 5.0 (10.0) .0 (.0) 13.3 (16.3) 6.3 (12.5) .0 (.0) 7.3 (6.6) 8.8 (11.8) 26.7 (23.1) 13.9 (12.7) 16.7 (28.9) 6.1 (10.5) NOTE.—Two triads did not engage in any conflicts during at least one of the observation sessions. Therefore, n = 32 (16 1-year-old groups and 16 2-year-old groups) for the frequency of conflict, but n = 30 (16 1-year-old groups and 14 2-year-old groups) for the behaviors occurring within conflict. ” An arc-sine transformation was applied to percentage data prior to analysis to normalize distributions. conflict.^ The triad was used as the unit of analysis to mitigate the potential bias of individual children’s contribution to the data base. The types of initiations (distal, proximal, forceful, and verbal), objections (protest, resistance, regain, and retaliate), force (instrumental and personal), and resolutions (yield and prosocial) were clustered into separate MANOVA sets to reduce the possibility of Type I errors. Univariate results are reported only when both the multivariate F statistic and the univariate F statistic were significant. The behaviors demonstrated within conflict were analyzed in percentage form (the number of acts in a speciflc category divided by the number of conflicts observed). An arc-sine transformation was applied to these percentages in order to normalize the distributions. In the interests of interpretability, percentages are presented in Table 2. Results Descriptive Information A total of 373 conflicts were observed across the 2 days of testing for the 32 sets of triads (170 for the 1-year-olds and 203 for the 2-year-olds). The children spent 20.9% of their interaction time in conflict (16.0% and 26.5% for the younger and older children, respectively), as determined by the number of moves in conflict relative to the number of interaction moves overall. On the average, the children’s conflicts consisted of 6.8 moves (range, 2-75), 6.1 and 7.4 for the younger and older groups, respectively. Figure 1 depicts the course of toddlers’ conflicts, based on the moves charted in this study. Percentages associated with each type of initiation, objection, force, resolution, and outcome are presented for the overall sample. The most common conflict initiation took the form of proximal acts (64%), followed by distal (20%), and forcefril (15%). Verbalizations accompanied 21% of these initiations and occurred alone as an initiation in 1% of the episodes. Objections consisted of physical resistance (49%), attempts to regain the toy (30%), verbal protests (17%), and forceful retaliations (4%). Instrumental force occurred at some point in 39% of the conflicts, and personal force (sometimes accompanied by instrumental force) ^ Due to the small cell size and consequent unreliability of the findings, the few four- and five-way interactions are not reported. < > • * (0 c o o (0 c g .^ “E 1520 Child Development occurred in 9%. Resolutions consisted primarily of yields (89%) and, in some instances, prosocial actions (11%). In 31% of the conflicts, peaceful interaction occurred immediately afterward. 7s Conflict “Realistic”? The incidence of conflict.—We had hypothesized that, if conflict is addressed to primarily instrumental concerns, it should occur more often when resources are scarce and unavailable in duplicate. Contrary to expectations, conflict was no more likely to occur when resources were scarce than when they were amply provided. On the other hand, the unavailability of duplicate copies was associated with more conflict (M = 13.4 vs. 9.9), F(l,16) = 7.24, p < .05 (see Table 2). This main effect for resource duplication was qualified by a significant three-way interaction with resource scarcity and age, F(l,16) = 5.89, p < .05, and a significant two-way interaction with order of resource presentation, F(l,16) = 6.74, p < .05. When duphcates were unavailable and toys were scarce, 24-month-olds engaged in the most conflict. When duplicates were unavailable and there was a gain in toys from one day to the next, children engaged in the most conflict. Similar findings emerged for the total number of moves in conflict. More time was spent in conflict when duplicates were not provided (M = 96.3 vs. 63.4), F(l,16) = 5.82, p < .05, especially when there was a gain in resources from one day to the next, F(l,16) = 10.66, p < .01. When toys were provided in duplicate, however, one may question whether the matching prototype was actually available to the chiid who initiated the conflict. It is possible that the duplicate copy was held by the third peer or the antagonist held both copies. Thus, we inspected each conflict episode to determine the whereabouts of the duplicate toy. Surprisingly, in two-thirds (67%) of the conflicts, the duplicate toy was clearly accessible to the child who initiated the conflict. In fact, in one-quarter of the episodes (24% and 27% for the younger and older groups, respectively), the child was actually holding onto the matching copy when seeking access to the peer’s toy. The initial toy was subsequently dropped, exchanged, or retained in die child’s possession. The tendency to engage in conflict when a duplicate toy was readily available (i.e., not in any of the children’s possession) was found to be affected by age and resource availability. There was a higher percentage of conflicts among the 1-year-olds relative to 2-year-olds (M = 85.3 vs. 56.1) when duplicates were readily accessible, F(l,13) = 6.18, p < .01. This age effect was particularly salient in the ample resource condition, F(l,13) = 4.34, p < .05, in which a higher percentage of the 1-year-olds’ conflicts, relative to the 2-year-olds’, occurred when duplicates were available (M = 90.6 vs. 52.1). Qualitative features of conflict.— Contrary to prediction, the scarcity of resources per se did not promote the use of force. However, the initiation of conflict over scarce resources was more forceful if ample toys had been provided on the first day, F(l,14) = 10.46, p < ,01; thus, the relative loss of resources seemed more important than the absolute number of items present. The provision of duplicates did influence the use of force during the course of disputes, but in the direction opposite to predictions. Instrumental force was resorted to more frequently when duplicates were provided than when each toy was unique (M = 23.3 vs. 14.6), F(l,14) = 8.58, p < .01. Personally directed force was not affected by the resources present. Also in contrast to expectations, the scarcity of resources appeared to facilitate prosocial resolutions to conflict, although this depended on the age of the children, F(l,14) = 9.93, p < .01. When resources were scarce, the 24-month-olds were more likely than the 12-month-olds to resolve conflict with prosocial overtures (M = 13.1 vs. 0.8). This resource duplication effect was qualified, to some extent, by two three-way interactions, one involving resource scarcity and order, F(l,14) = 10.05, p < .01, and another involving age and order, F(l,14) = 7.56, p < .05. When duplicates were unavailable and children experienced a loss of toys from one day to the next, prosocial resolutions occurred more often on the second day in the scarce condition, and among the 24-monthold groups. Is Conflict Influenced by Social Context? Here we sought positive evidence of social features of the children’s conflicts, both in terms of the interpersonal events surrounding each conflict and the overall effects of the gender composition of the group. The immediate interaction.—An examination of the 10 moves immediately preceding and following the conflicts revealed that over half (52%) occurred in the course of positive social interaction. In particular, one-quarter of the conflicts (25% and 27% for Caplanetal. the younger and older groups, respectively) were preceded or followed by the explicit cooperative use of toys (e.g., giving or offering objects to peers); 91% of the groups engaged in such mixed sequences on at least one occasion. An additional one-fifth of the conflicts (22% and 17% for the younger and older groups, respectively) were immediately preceded or followed by the showing or demonstration of toys to peers. Seven percent of the conflicts (9% and 5% for the younger and older groups, respectively) were surrounded by displays of peer affection. The effects of gender composition.— The preponderance of girls as opposed to boys in a group affected various dimensions of conflict, but, for the most part, in the opposite direction to predictions.’ Groups dominated by girls as opposed to boys engaged in more conflict episodes (M = 13.4 vs. M = 9.9), F(l,16) = 6.74, p < .05, although this finding was qualified by an interaction with age. For 24-month-olds, groups dominated by girls participated in conflict twice as often as groups dominated by boys (M = 16.5 vs. 8.8), F(l,16) = 10.00, p < .01. There were also two significant three-way interactions on conflict frequency involving gender composition, one with resource scarcity and age, F(l,16) = 4.63, p < .05, and another with resource scarcity and duplication, F(l,16) = 5.45, p < .05. When toys were scarce, 24month-old groups dominated by girls engaged in the most conflicts. When toys were scarce and not available in duplicate, groups dominated by girls engaged in the most conflicts. Unexpectedly, groups dominated by girls, at least for the younger groups, showed more instrumental force (M = 49.9 vs. 39.5), F(l,14) = 12.47, p < .01. This gender composition effect was most apparent when duplicates were available, in which case the 12-month-old groups dominated by girls used more instrumental force than those dominated by boys {M = 58.8 vs. 41.0), F(l,14) = 10.85, p < .01. The groups with more boys, on the other hand, showed more prosocial behavior (M = 9.4 vs. 4.0), F(l,14) = 7.79, p < .01. This finding was qualified by a significant threeway interaction involving gender compo- 1521 sition, resource duplication, and order, F(l,14) = 14.78, p < .01. When duplicates were unavailable, and the children experienced a loss of resources from one day to the next, groups dominated by boys engaged in more prosocial resolutions than groups dominated by girls. In addition, when resources were scarce but duplicated, groups dominated by boys rather than girls were more likely to follow their conflicts with peaceful interaction (M = 42.1 vs. 10,3), F(l,14) = 5.71, p < .05. There was also a suggestion that groups dominated by boys were more verbal. When scarce resources were presented first, verbal protest was used to object to a companion’s action more frequently in groups dominated by boys, F(l,14) = 11.46, p < .01. Are the Conflicts of 2-Year-Olds More Social Than Those of 1-Year-Olds? We had hypothesized that, if confiict is addressed to primarily instrumental concerns, it might occur less frequently in groups of older children. Although there was no difference between the 12- and 24month-olds in the number of conflict episodes, the older children spent more time in conflict than the younger children as indexed by the number of conflict moves (Af = 94.5 vs. 65.3), F(l,16) = 4.57, p < .05, especially when there was a gain in resources from one day to the next, F(l,16) = 9.16, p < .01. As predicted, 2-year-olds’ conflicts were qualitatively different from those engaged in by 1-year-olds. Their conflicts were more likely to begin with distal behaviors (M = 18.1 vs. 4.3), F(l,14) = 12.25, p < .001, and objections were more often registered by verbal means (M = 19.4 vs. 9.2), F(l,14) = 14.94, p < .01. The younger children were more likely than the older children to resort to instrumental force (M = 44.7 vs. 32.1), F(l,14) = 21.02, p < .001, but that was most true in groups dominated by girls, as noted previously. Personally directed force neither increased nor declined with age. Older children were more likely than younger ones to resolve conflict with prosocial overtures (M = 10.0 vs. 3.6), F(l,14) = 10.53, p < ,01, although that was most true under conditions of scarce resources and in groups dominated by boys, as described pre- ^ Supplementary analyses were performed to determine whether the effects found for gender composition of the group were due to gender differences at the level of the individual. No significant gender differences emerged using the individual as the unit of analysis for the frequency of conflict, use of instrumental force, and prosocial overtures to resolve conflict. 1522 Child Development conflict is obtained when we consider the conflicts not in isolation, but in the context of what else is going on in these small groups. An examination of the interpersonal Discussion events surrounding these young children’s The findings of the present research conflicts revealed that conflict frequently suggest that conflict, even as it flrst emerges occurred in the context of positive social inin development, cannot be accounted for in teraction. The sharing, showing, and dempurely nonsocial terms. If conflict represents onstration of toys, as well as displays of afa “realistic” (Coser, 1956), instrumentally fection toward peers, were observed just motivated quest for toys, it would be ex- prior to or following over half of the conpected to occur more frequently and be flicts. Rather than simply pursuing their own more forceful under conditions of scarce re- self-interests and ignoring each other as husources. The data did not bear this out. Con- man beings, these 1- and 2-year-olds were flict was equally likely in the presence of often engaged in ongoing social interaction plentiful and nonplentiful toys. that involved both the cooperative use of On the other hand, the provision of du- toys as well as conflict over them. plicate copies in the playroom was associThe frequency and form of conflict also ated with lower rates of conflict, suggesting appear to be influenced by the general social that young children are not completely without instrumental concerns. However, this structure of group, namely, the gender comdoes not indicate that conflicts are without position. In contrast to studies of preschool social motivations as well. Closer exami- children (e.g.. Smith & Green, 1975), the nation of the children’s interactions re- predominance of boys in these toddler vealed that two-thirds of the conflicts in groups did not result in a greater incidence the duplicated-resource condition occurred of conflict In fact, conflict was more frewhen the duplicate copy was clearly accessi- quent among the 24-month-old groups and ble to the child who initiated the conflict. instrumental force was used more often Moreover, in one-fourth of the conflicts ob- among the 12-month-old groups dominated served in the presence of duplicates, a child by girls. The conflicts that occurred in actually held the matching copy in his or her groups dominated by boys, furthermore, hands or lap. In addition, the conflicts that were characterized by more prosocial resoensued in the presence of dupHcated toys lutions, especially in situations when dupliwere more instrumentally forceful. These cates were unavailable and a loss of refindings suggest that children’s conflicts may sources occurred from one day to the next. be more socially motivated than previously Under some circumstances, groups domisupposed (e.g., Bronson, 1975; Maudry & nated by boys were not only less forceful Nekula, 1939). A similar conclusion was and more prosocial, they were more verbal. drawn by Hay and Ross (1982) in their study It thus appears that differences in the freof 21-month-olds. As in other studies, toys quency and form of conflict are partially a appear to become more attractive by virtue fiinction of the social climate created by the of being touched by others (Eckerman et al., gender composition of the group. Further research is necessary to address this issue. 1979; Hay & Ross, 1982). viously. Amicable interaction following conflict was unaffected by age. There is also evidence to suggest that the loss of toys over the 2 days influenced conflict. Conflict was more forcefully initiated across both age groups when ample resources were presented first. On the other hand, the loss of resources from one day to the next resulted in more prosocial overtures to resolve disputes in the scarce condition, suggesting the use of negotiation attempts when such circumstances arise. Thus, the relative amount of toys, as opposed to the absolute number available on any given day, appears to be important in determining the form of conflict initiation and resolution in young children. Further evidence of the social nature of In terms of developmental changes over the second year, the 1-year-olds sampled clearly engaged in struggles for toys. Although the number of discrete conflict episodes did not differ for the 1- and 2-year-old groups, the amount of time spent in conflict was greater for the older group. The increase in amount of time spent in conflict over the second year suggests the expanding social negotiation functions that conflict may be serving very early in life (Shantz, 1987). Furthermore, the developmental status of the antagonists needs to be taken into account as we begin to understand the ways in which children struggle over resources. The data document systematic changes in very Caplan et al. young children’s tendencies to initiate conflict, in their ability to react to their companions’ actions, in their use of force, and in the manner in which they resolve the discordance. In comparison to the 1-year-olds, the 2-year-olds appear to have a greater capacity to anticipate dieir companions’ designs on toys from moves such as approaching and pointing to objects. With emerging social and cognitive skills, children may be able to respond not only to an antagonist’s overt actions, but also to interpretations of those actions and attributions about the other’s intent (see Hay, 1984). The 2-year-olds were found to use verbal means of objecting to a companion’s actions more often than their younger counterparts, which may reflect an increased understanding and respect of ownership as conveyed by words such as “no” or “mine” (Bakeman & Brownlee, 1982; Rogdon & Rashman, 1976). The older children were also less inclined than the younger ones to eqgage in instrumentally forcefril overtures during the course of conflict, a finding that parallels the developmental decline in the proportion of “assertive initiations” observed in other studies with these age groups (Holmberg, 1980). Furthermore, the conflicts of the 2-year-oIds revealed greater displays of explicit prosocial actions to resolve disputes, which are noted in observations of preschool-age children (Sackin & Thelen, 1984; Vespo & Caplan, 1988). Taken together, these findings suggest that conflict becomes less proximal and forceful in nature and bears increasing social hallmarks over the second year of life. Rather than decreasing in frequency, as would be expected if conflict was primarily instrumental in nature, there was some indication that conflict actually increased in frequency as well as changed in form. The emerging social nature of conflict is most striking among 2-year-olds under conditions of scarce resources. In contrast to our expectations, the presence of scarce resources had a prosocial effect on the 2-yearold children, resulting in more explicit sharing of resources to resolve the disputes. The older children engaged in prosocial actions precisely when they are needed most, that is, when resources are in short supply and there has been a loss of resources from one day to the next. Sensitivity to scarce resources, while not apparent in the frequency of conflict, was evidenced in the way 2year-olds negotiated their way out of conflict, suggesting perhaps an even greater 1523 social nature of conflict than originally supposed. There was, however, one way in which the conflict between 1-year-olds could be viewed as more social than the conflict between 2-year-olds. In the ample, duplicated resource condition, a greater proportion of the younger children’s conflicts occurred when a matching copy of the toy was readily available to them. One-year-olds may be less willing to settle for a duplicate copy of a particular toy. Alternatively, this finding may reflect the younger children’s lack of sensitivity to the environmental conditions, that is, they may have been less aware of the presence of the duplicate toy in the playroom. Given the 1-year-olds’ level of mobility, such a speculation seems plausible. Future research will be needed to clarify these findings. It is worth noting that the children in this investigation were unfamiliar with one another and with their surroundings; thus, the findings are generalizable to situations in which young children are first getting to know one another. Among preschoolers, conflict between well-acquainted peers contains qualitatively different features than the conflict among less-acquainted peers (Hartup, Laursen, Stewart, & Eastenson, 1988; Vespo & Caplan, 1988). Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that dominance relations between group members influence children’s utilization of toys in scarce resource conditions (Charlesworth & LaFreniere, 1983). In future studies, familiarity and dominance relations among peers need to be considered as they affect the frequency and form of conflict. The empirical findings of the present research have a number of theoretical and practical implications. First, conflict over possessions begins very early in the life span, and can be studied reliably at 1 year of age. Second, the occurrence of conflict among toddlers does not depend solely on the number of available toys in a particular setting, but appears to be influenced by a variety of variables such as the availability of duplicates, the relative gain or loss of toys, and the social chmate created by the gender composition of the group. Third, even in its early form, such conflict appears to serve social functions for the participants (see Hay, 1984). In particular, conflict may provide an arena in which strategies for acquiring and negotiating possession of toys are developed, practiced, and refined even in the first 1524 Child Development few years of life. Fourth, behaviors manifested within conflict may serve as important markers for broader changes occurring in social development. Shifts in the form of conflict over the second year of life, specifically in the way in which conflict is begun, enacted, and resolved, correspond with emerging sophistication in broader aspects of social-cognitive functioning. Finally, the results of this study may be of practical concern to parents and educators, who, in the course of everyday activities, observe children’s conflicts and often feel compelled to intervene. Identifying factors that increase or decrease the probability of conflict will undoubtedly inform such interventions. Referenees Bakeman, R., & Brownlee, J, B. (1982). Social rules governing object conflicts in toddlers and preschoolers. In K. H. Bubin & H. S. Ross (Eds.), Peer relations and social skills in childhood (pp. 99-111). New York: SpringerVerlag. Bakeman, B., & Gottman, J. (1986). Observing interaction (pp. 70-99). New York: Gambridge University Press. Bronson, W. (1975). Peer-peer interactions in the second year of life. In M. Lewis & L. A. Rosenblum (Eds.), Friendship and peer relations (pp. 131-152). New York: Wiley. Gaplan, M. (1986, August). The role of aggression in preschoolers’ conflicts with their peers. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Washington, DG. Gharlesworth, W. R., & LaFreniere, P. L. (1983). Dominance, friendship, and resource utilization in preschool children’s groups. Ethology and Sociobiology, 4, 175-186. Goser, L. A. (1956). The functions of social conflict. New York: Free Press. Dawe, H. G. (1934). An analysis of two hundred quarrels of preschool children. Child Development, 5, 139-157. Deutsch, M. (1973). The resolution of conflict. New Haven, GT: Yale University Press. Dorval, B., & Gundy, F. (1990). The development of arguing in discussions among peers. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 36, 389-409. Dunn, J. (1988). The beginnings of social understanding. Gambridge, MA: flarvard University Press. Eckerman, G. O., Davis, G. G., & Didow, S. M. (1989). Toddlers’ emerging ways of achieving social coordinations with a peer. Child Development, 60, 440-453. Eckerman, G. O., Whatley, J., & McGehee, L. J. (1979). Approaching and contacting the object another manipulates: A social skill of the one-year-old. Developmental Psychology, 15, 585-593, Hartup, W. W., Laursen, B,, Stewart, M. I., & Eastenson, A. (1988). Gonflict and the friendship relations of young children. Child Development, 59, 1590-1600. Hay, D. F, (1984). Social conflict in early childhood. In G. Whitehurst (Ed.), Annals of child development (Vol. 1, pp. 1-44). Greenwich, GT: JAI. Hay, D. F., Gaplan, M., Gastle, J., & Stimson, G. (in press). Does sharing become increasingly “rational” in the second year of life? Developmental Psychology. Hay, D. F., Nash, A., & Pedersen, J. (1983). Interaction between six-month-old peers. Child Development, 54, 557-562. Hay, D. F., & Ross, H. S. (1982). The social nature of early conflict. Child Development, 53, 105-113. Holmberg, M. G. (1980). The development of social interchange patterns from 12 to 24 months. Child Development, 51, 448-456. Howes, G. (1988). Peer interaction of young children. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 53(1, Serial No. 217). Laursen, B., & Hartup, W. W. (1989). The dynamics of preschool children’s conflicts. MerrillPalmer Quarterly, 35, 281-297. Malatesta, G. Z., Gulver, G., Tesman, J. B., & Shepard, B. (1989). The development of emotion expression during the first two years of life. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 54(1-2, Serial No. 219). Maudry, M., & Nekula, M. (1939). Social relations between children of the same age during the first two years of life./ournai of Genetic Psychology, 54, 193-215. Piaget, J. (1952). The origins of intelligence in children. New York: International Universities Press. Rogdon, M. M., & Rashman, S. E. (1976). Expression of owner-owned relationships among holophrastic 14- to 32-month-old children. Child Development, 47, 1219-1222. Sackin, S., & Thelen, E. (1984). An ethological study of peaceful associative outcomes to conflict in preschool children. Child Development, 55, 1098-1102. Shantz, G. U. (1987). Gonflicts between children. Child Development, 58, 283-305. Smith, P. K., & Green, M. (1975). Aggressive behavior in English nurseries and play groups: Sex differences and responses of adults. Child Development, 46, 211-214. Vespo, J. E., & Gaplan, M. (1988, March). Preschoolers’ differential conflict behaviors with friends and acquaintances. Paper presented at the Gonference on Human Development, Gharleston, SG. Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Thinking Skills and Creativity journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/tsc The effectiveness of cognitive-behavioral psychodrama group therapy (CBPGT) on inadequate guardian male adolescents’ creativity and critical thinking Nahid Fallahi a, Anahita Tashk b, *, Afsaneh Towhidi b a b Clinical Psychology, Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Kerman, Iran Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Kerman, Iran A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T Keywords: Psychodrama Creativity Critical Thinking Inadequate guardians Adolescents specifically those who have inadequate guardians need to be taught to be creative and be critical thinkers in order to solve their problems or at least adapt themselves with their guardians or the miserable circumstances. In this respect, the present study aimed to investigate the effectiveness of cognitive-behavioral psychodrama group therapy (CBPGT) on the creativity and critical thinking of male adolescents with inadequate guardians. The participants were 30 male adolescents who were referred by a nursery home. Using convenient sampling method, the adolescents were recruited and using simple random method they were divided into the inter­ vention and control groups (each 15 members). The participants in the intervention attended 10 two-hour CBPGT sessions held by a psychotherapist while the control group members did not receive any intervention. The participants in both groups completed Schaefer…s creativity atti­ tude survey (CAS) and Ricketts… critical thinking disposition assessment (CTDA) before the intervention as the pretest and after the intervention as the posttests. The results of the analysis of multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) show that CBPGT has a significant effect on improving both creativity and critical thinking of male adolescents with inadequate guardians. It is concluded that the CBPGT is a useful means to enhance creativity and critical thinking. The insights from this study can be used for implementing interventions for students, vulnerable groups such as children and adolescents living in welfare centers, and even those in correctional and rehabilitation centers. 1. Introduction Adolescence is known to be the most critical period of humans’ lives in which individuals may confront with variety of life ad­ versities and may experience a lot of problems with themselves and with others (Zinn et al., 2020). This period could be worsened by having inadequate parents/guardians (Bibi et al, 2021; Rigby et al., 2007), by causing many of the adolescents confront with many possible physical and mental abuse (Edidin et al., 2012). Adolescents who live with neglectful, abusive, and misbehavior of the inadequate guardians need to solve their problems and by solving them adolescents learn how to cope with difficult family We (Nahid Fallahi, Anahita Tashk, and Afsaneh Towhidi, the authors) have no potential conflict of interest of financial, personal, and or any relationships with other people and organizations (from present till the next coming three years) that would inappropriately influence our research. * Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: nahidfallahi@ens.uk.ac.ir (N. Fallahi), atashk@uk.ac.ir (A. Tashk), atowhidi@uk.ac.ir (A. Towhidi). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tsc.2022.101171 Received 24 January 2022; Received in revised form 11 October 2022; Accepted 13 October 2022 Available online 17 October 2022 1871-1871/© 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 N. Fallahi et al. circumstances (Thompson et al., 2010), enhance divergent thinking (Grobman, 2006; John, 2012), or in other words become creative (Grobman, 2006) and during the adaptation process may evolve into critical thinkers (Van Lue, 1992). Adaptation is the process of adolescents’ abilities in conforming, complying, reconciling, adjusting, and confronting with the sustained environmental changes and their surrounding people (Martin, 2017; Martin et al., 2021). Since both creativity and critical thinking concern with attitudinal dispositions, creative acts, and divergent thinking (Wechsler et al., 2018), and both creativity and critical thinking deal with openness to diversity and challenge (Álvarez-Huerta et al., 2022), under any unexpected conditions, adolescents (with inadequate or bad guardians) who are the concern of our article need to survive and anticipate difficult situations; therefore, these adolescents ought to become creative and attain critical thinking. 2. Theoretical background 2.1. Creativity and theories of creativity Creativity is a form of social cooperation and interaction between the person and the environment (van der Zanden et al., 2020; Zhou, 2021). In present research we put the emphasis on creativity as an attitude, disposition, divergent thinking, and problem solving; therefore, creativity can be defined as an attitude, an orientation, a disposition, and a temperament by which the creative person has interests in doing and enjoying creative tasks (Weiss et al., 2021). Guilford was the scholar who coined “creativity” as the “divergent production” now is known as a “divergent thinking” being grouped into four categories of fluency (e.g., an ability to generate more than one idea at a given time), flexibility (e. g. an ability to abandon old ideas and generate variety of new ideas at a given time), originality (e.g., an ability to produce unusual and unexpected ideas), and elaboration (e.g., an ability to embellish and provide details of an idea) (Baer, 2015; Guilford, 1950). Torrance, a student of Guilford, developed Guilford’s indices of creativity and added abstractness of titles (e.g., naming a good title for a figure), resistance to premature closure (e.g., an ability to complete/close incomplete figures), and creative strength (e.g., flexible imagination, thinking beyond boundaries, emotions, expressiveness, story­ telling, movement or action, (Humble et al., 2018; Ibrahim, 2012; Ng & Lee, 2019). For Torrance creativity is an attitude and a talent (Torrance, 1965, 1970). In his definition creativity is a process of understanding different problems and their components, figuring out gaps in the presented information in order to constitute hypotheses/ideas and testing them, modifying the hypotheses, and ending to different results that are called creative products (e.g., verbal, nonverbal, abstract ideas Torrance (1977) is cited in Stouffer & Russell, 2004). Both Guilford and Torrance advocated that divergent thinking is one of the indices of creative thinking encompassing problem solving strategies (Wechsler et al., 2018). Besides, the mechanism beneath critical thinking disposition and creativity relationships are openness to diversity and challenge and these two in their own entities are related to divergent thinking (e.g., greater flexibility Zhang, Sjoerds & Hommel (2020) is cited in Álvarez-Huerta et al. 2022). In addition to Torrance’s approach towards creativity, Shaughnessy (1994) introduced other scholars who had psychometrics approaches that considered creativity as an attitude that means creative students’ attitudes and their interests are similar to each other and to that of those students who are associated with creativity. As cited in Kimball (1984) and Shaughnessy (1995) also listed creativity perspectives as a disposition and as an attitude: Hyman’s 1964 (creativity and the prepared mind), Covington’s 1966 (childhood attitude in problem solving), Elms’ 1966 (attitude in role playing), Davis and colleagues’ 1969 (creative thinking), Holland & Baird’s 1968 (attitude and interest), Rookey’s 1969 (creative tendency), Taft & Gilchrist’s 1970 (creative attitudes with creative productivity), Rimm & Davis’ 1976 (identification of creativity). Taylor & Fish’s (1979) view on creativity encompass disposition, tendency, attitude, and individuals’ self-actualization in order to form creativity as an altering device in designing new environments. Looking at creativity as an attitude is based on exploring individuals’ personalities and attitudes of creativity through personality evaluations, creative motivations, and creative interests (Kim & Pierce, 2013). Thus, creativity can be a trait and or an attitude by which individuals conduct any task (Botha, 1999). Hocevar introduces four approaches in measuring creativity listed as attitude and interest, personality, divergent thinking, and biographical inventories (1981; cited in Runco & Acar 2012). Taylor et al. (1974) propose five creativity dispositions (e.g., expressive creativity: spontaneity and freedom, technical creativity: proficiency and skill, inventive creativity: ingenuity in useful integration of materials, innovative creativity: idea modification and its elaboration, emergeniioe creativity: having an original idea). Also, De Bono (in his lateral thinking theory) proposes that creativity is a kind of disposition that encompasses divergent thinking (Burgh, 2014). Semerci (2016), in his lateral thinking disposition (LATD) scale that was inferred from De Bono, proposes that creativity is a handling problem device as well. So far, it seems that creativity can be regarded as a thinking style, disposition, and or a trait. Schaefer defined creativity as individuals’ preferences, attitudes, and or characteristics embodying artistic abilities, imaginative thinking, original intuition, quick impulses, resourceful and clever acts, alert and sharp-witted reactions, and spontaneous behaviors (Kimball, 1984; Smith & Schaefer, 1969). Kloss (1972) and Runco (2011) also categorize Schaefer’s approach towards creativity under divergent thinking and problem-solving skills. Overall, based on Schaefer’s approach, a creative individual has a reflective, a resourceful, a confident, a sincere, an inventive, and an insightful personality (Kaduson & Schaefer, 1991). Rogers’ 1976 concept of creativity is based on human’s tendency in becoming self-actualized. He believes that there is a tendency in people to turn into their potentialities. Tendency is the directional trend in people to grow, expand, develop, become mature, and to activate all their capacities of themselves. Rogers considers three internal conditions to have creative acts: (1) Openness to experience (sensitivity, awareness, receptiveness), (2) pertaining an internal locus of evaluation (actualized potentials, satisfaction), (3) Having the ability to work and play with components and concepts (e.g., combining ideas, integrating concepts). Rogers believes that in fostering and nourishing the creativity external conditions are necessary (e.g., psychological safety, feeling of security, freedom) (Kimball, 1984). Based on Torrance’s idea of creativity, in a more recent approach, Kim (2017) who worked closely with Torrance, proposed a CAT 2 Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 N. Fallahi et al. framework for creativity constituting of creative climates (C), attitudes (A) and thinking (T) skills for innovation. By having a creative attitude, she means that a creative individual must be open-minded, playful, emotional, and a daydreamer. Kim believes that people, in order to develop creative attitudes or creative climates, should exit fundamentally. She claims that creative attitudes are people’s innovative characteristics, views, believes, and habits that somehow would develop creative thinking skills that are called inbox (e.g., expertise development, critical thinking), outbox (fluent imagination, flexible imagination, original imagination), and newbox (ION) (e.g., synthesis, transformation, promotion, being used whenever needed) (Kim, 2017). It seems that Kim put the emphases on in­ dividuals’ attitude, open-mindedness, and environment. However, it is worth mentioning that Kronfeldner opposes to all the above mentioned claims on creativity as an attitude, trait, and or as a personal characteristic. She opposes to the claim that creativity is a natural trait; she claims that it is an exceptional phe­ nomenon, so it cannot be taught. However, she admits that creativity bears novelty, but to answer this paradox, she postulates that if creativity can be explained by researchers such as Sternberg, Lubart, and Weisberg, it can be taught as well. Beneath her explanations is that she recognizes novelty as an index of creativity. On this path she distinguishes a variety of creativities (e.g., anthropological, psychological, historical, metaphysical) (Kronfeldner, 2009, 2018; Martiniano, 2016). In producing any creative task, the componential theory of social and psychological creativity proves to have four important components. Three components are within the individual – domain relevant skills, creativity-relevant processes, and intrinsic task motivation. The other component is outside the individual and it is the social environment component (Amabile, 2011). In Rhodes’ multidimensional theory, the emphasis is on the impact of creative environment on the individual’s creative process and product (Garcês et al., 2016). Using a neural explanation of the creativity, it is explained that the dopaminergic neural system is responsible for facilitating creativity (Si et al., 2020). There is a relationship between two of the brain’s cortical networks that are responsible for creativity and problem solving: The first one is the default mode network (DMN) that seems to be a hormonal disposition taking care of emotional self-awareness, social cognition, ethical decision making, openness to new ideas, and creativity. The second one is the task-positive network (TPN) that appears to be a hormonal disposition as well, managing activities such as decision making and problem solving (Boyatzis et al., 2014). Overall, Based on Kozbelt et al. (2011), theories of creativity are categorized into ten main categories: (1) Developmental theories are after a pragmatic model to explain the roots of the creativity by investigating personal motivations, family structure, particular developmental and mental cognitive processes, and diverse life experiences of the eminent creative people. (2) Psychometric theories use reliability and validity techniques to differentiate between intelligence (or convergent thinking) and creativity (or divergent thinking). (3) Economic or investment theories use metaphors (such as markets) for creativity and allocating its resources. (4) Stage theories attempt to understand how an insightful moment of creativity within a certain sequence happens. (5) Cognitive theories propose the role of creative processes (actions), persons (actors), and mental processes (cognitive mechanisms). (6) Conceptual combination theories integrate different modes of information with high levels of abstractions. (7) Metacognitive theories talk about processes of one’s way of thinking. (8) Tactical thinking theories use many tactics including “think backwards,” or “put the problem aside” during the problem-solving process. (9) Problem solving and expertise-based theories focus on problem solving processes, expert knowledge (actor) and the process (action). (10) Problem finding theories are both theories of the creative processes (actions) and the theories of the creative persons (actors) and the motivational factors. Explaining these theories are beyond the scope of the present research. 2.2. Creativity of adolescents with (or without) inadequate guardians Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) is an organization (working with over 100 countries) that claims skills of creative thinking should be fostered in the youth as one of the essential abilities of the 21th century going in order to help the youth adapting to sustained world’s rapid changes (Ramalingam et al., 2020). In the creativity literature, Schaefer, the father of play therapy, uses creativity in an artistic and therapeutic manner (Schaefer, 2011). Schaefer, in his measure of adolescents’ creativity, postulates that the creative adolescents have common biographical, alike backgrounds and characteristics (Schaefer, 1969a, 1972), and similar self-images in terms of complexity and reconciliation of opposites (e.g., openness to different dimensions of per­ sonality and recognition of the opposing forces), impulsivity and crave for novelty (e.g., having an enthusiasm to find new things), and autonomy and self-assertion (e.g., being independent in thinking and acting as leaders) (Schaefer, 1969b). Both the classic and the recent literature support the role of parents in fostering creativity dispositions in their children (Dong et al., 2022; East et al., 2006; Kloss, 1972; Miller & Gerard, 1979; Runco & Johnson, 2002; Si et al., 2020; Tennent & Berthelsen, 1997). When we talk about creativity of adolescents with inadequate or bad guardians, there are usually two kinds of theories. In autonomy-supportive family theory, good parents/guardians are supporting and empathetic; thus, children’s creativities are pro­ moted. In reverse, in the distance-conflicted family theory, there are stress and variety of conflicts; thus, the creativity is suppressed. The latter one is not always the case and there are broken families that nurture creative children. The explanation is that inadequate guardians may force their children to find creative ways to get out of trouble. In addition, the contradictory circumstances may trigger children’s creativity to find ultimate creative solutions for their problems (Palomar-Lever & Victorio-Estrada, 2019). In reverse, not having adaptability is also another aspect of the creativity. In this view, when individuals do not adapt themselves to the societal norms and deliberately deviate from them it means that these individuals are creative (Feist, 1998). Here, adaptability means the adolescent’s capacity to modify and change his responses to the most proper and the best possible ways with respect to reconciliation and adjustment of himself to different changing situations and new people (Martin, 2017; Martin et al., 2021). Early life diversifying experiences may compel creative development and force adolescents to break common laws; they go beyond the con­ ventional constraints and may find creative strategies to survive life obstacles (Guo et al., 2021; van der Zanden et al., 2020). Evidences 3 Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 N. Fallahi et al. prove that those boys, due to solving complex problems on the streets, are highly creative (Dahlman et al., 2013). Thus, it seems that these adolescents have the potential of becoming creative. We do not mean to advocate this kind of parenthood or adolescence, but, based on researches, it is derived that there are chances that creative adolescents rise from inadequate families. It seems that adaptability is a paradox in which, on the one hand, adolescents with inadequate parents may not be able to adapt themselves to a certain situation and perform worse, so called becoming creative; on the other hand, diversifying experiences can cause adaptability and creativity as these adolescents have the potential of becoming creative. 2.3. Critical thinking and critical thinking theories When one is “thinking” it means that the mind must simultaneously create something and judge it (Paul & Elder, 2019); thus, critical thinking triggers creative abilities and they ought to be overlapped concepts (Alghafri & Ismail, 2014). In contrast, there is this opinion that critical thinking and creativity are two independent constructs (Wechsler et al., 2018). However, creativity and critical thinking are two complex cognitive skills with internal and interpersonal aspects crucial for better lives (Guo et al.,2021; Wechsler et al., 2018). Critical thinking is a cognitive skill and a disposition/propensity being involved with an act in an intellectual, reflective, and skepticism manner. Cognitive skills refer to concepts that means people are able to make inferences, recognize assumptions, perform as many as deductions, make interpretations, and conduct analyses. Disposition means that people have the tendency to investigate the matter deliberately and in completing a task they will select the best possible approaches (Sosu, 2013). The literature of critical thinking theories is mostly rooted in philosophy, education, psychology, and educational psychology (Reed, 1998). Dewey believes that critical thinking in nature is a suspended judgment in which the purpose is to investigate and recognize the nature of the problem before finding a solution and testing inferences (Dewey, 1910). So, according to Dewey, the duty of the school as a laboratory is to teach students problem solving, creative thinking, and critical thinking skills (Tanner, 1997). Sternberg (1986) categorizes critical thinking into three basic skills of meta-components, performance components, and knowledge-acquisition components. In King’s model, the inquiry learning happens in small groups of students with the purpose of externalizing students’ cognition, promoting a socio-cognitive learning, and raising students’ level of critical thinking. Although learning is autonomous, it is guided by verbal interactions and reciprocal peer questioning to enhance the critical thinking (King, 1995). Wineburg introduces three main heuristics of sourcing or checking the reliability of the source of the document, contextualization or investigating the time and the place that the text was written, and corroboration or comparing the texts with similar ones (Reed, 1998). One of the most known comprehensive contemplations on critical thinking belongs to the Delphi’s Report in which it recognizes the critical thinking as a cognitive skill, a higher-order form of thinking, and a major force in education in which critical thinking is creative thinking. It embodies interpretation, analysis, evaluation, inference, explanation, self-regulation, and affective dispositions similar to problem-solving, decision making (Reed, 1998). 2.4. Critical thinking of adolescents with (or without) inadequate guardians Piaget claimed that in formal phase adolescents have fundamental limitations in understanding the critical thinking (Kuhn, 2008). Keating (1988) challenges Piaget’s claim and proposes that the average adolescents are capable of critical thinking and they are able to figure out their life problems systematically. Marin & Halpern (2011) and Vanicheva et al. (2015) also believe that adolescents have cognitive abilities; they are capable of abstract thinking. They possess deductive reasoning skills and other related critical thinking abilities. Having a critical thinking skill is a privilege in adolescent’s life. We know that when parents are inadequate, they are not able to nurture their children’s capacity of having critical thinking (Fernandez, 2014). UNICEF distinguishes between children of the streets and children in the streets. The former refers to children who live in the streets with no parents or contact at all, while the latter are the children who spend most of their time in the streets but at nights they return to their home and to their irresponsible guardians (Dahlman et al., 2013). Since these adolescents spend a lot of time in the streets, their irrational acts and risky habits are reinforced within their peer social groups. Since the critical thinking is a rational act and it is not evolved until the age of 25, therefore, an adolescent is not able to think critically (Barfield, 2019). Opposite to this argument, there are researches that advocate that there are individuals who are living in improper conditions but they are critical thinkers. For this, Hergenhahn & Henley (2013) introduce many influential figures who were known to be the critical thinkers of their own time but they had a miserable childhood. For instance, Freud and Watson had inadequate fathers; Horney and May had cold fathers; Maslow had a cruel mother; Kelly was tortured by his parents; and Mill, the classic influential philosopher, had parents with very bad temper tantrums. We do not mean to support inadequate guardians as people who might be responsible for their children’s critical thinking but our purpose is to mention that there is always this possibility that eminent critical thinkers may come from inadequate families. 2.5. The psychodrama group therapy (CBPGT) Drama and theater acts and plays promote creativity and critical thinking (Goldstein et al., 2020) and specifically in improvisa­ tional theater, participants act and create dialog, characters, and storytelling spontaneously on stage. Moreno was the first psychiatrist, psychosociologist, and educator who invented the psychodrama as a dramatic and a communication psychotherapy method (Cruz et al., 2018; Nolte, 2018) and he was the scholar who co-founded group psychotherapy and group work (Giacomucci, 2021). Moreno believes that in conflicting life circumstances, it is hard for people to express their thoughts and feelings; hence by creating a 4 Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 N. Fallahi et al. psychodrama story and in the role of a protagonist, people act out and play out their fantasies and dreams and through verbalization of feelings people become aware of their suppressed thoughts (Moreno, 1980). The theory of Moreno’s spontaneity, creativity theory is about change with a therapeutic approach in which the spontaneity is the constant and the main trait of the creativity. Moreno defined spontaneity as the human’s ability to create incidents with some degree of novelty or basically to add pure novelty to the previous circumstances (Giacomucci, 2021). Adapting Moreno’s psychodrama method, for clinical purposes, a new method is proposed by Treadwell and Dartnell called cognitive behavioral psychodrama group therapy (CBPGT) in which the cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) and group psychodrama are integrated with the ultimate goal of identifying and transferring negative thoughts, inappropriate behaviors, and improper interpersonal patterns into positive experiences. By creating improvisations in safe conditions, CBPGT psychodrama devises novel problem-solving strategies, produces new ways of thinking and behaving, contrives group engagement, and through usage of some techniques, it induces alternative thoughts, improvisation, and creativity (Treadwell & Dartnell, 2017; Treadwell et al., 2016). 2.6. The effectiveness of CBPGT on creativity Although the authors of the present research did not design the intervention, the research bears novelty because we have searched and yet have not found any research specifically concerning the effectiveness of CBPGT on adolescents’ creativity and specifically concerning those who have inadequate guardians. What we found was the effectiveness of psychodrama, sociometry, creative drama, and or similar concepts. Thus, we present their results: Soszynski initiated the role play training in creativity (RPTC) in which par­ ticipants are divided in two groups. One group creates an imaginary character (protagonist) and the other group is a single person who is the master of the game and creates a variety of adventurous games for the players. Findings showed that RPTC training was effective on children’s creativity in terms of fluency and originality components (Karwowski & Soszynski, 2008). Clapper (2010) introduced simulation as a form of role play, but more as a structured one in which the simulation closely resembled the actual circumstances. Kim (2018) showed that conducting the simulation techniques and roleplay were effective teaching methods in enhancing students’ critical thinking skills. Much earlier in a classic research, Garvey & Garvey (1967) claimed that simulation, role playing, and sociodrama were supplementary to teaching methods in improving students’ critical thinking. Yaniv (2012) conducted an experiment in which it required empathic abilities, creative imagination, and simultaneously acting as two persons. Findings revealed that a creative empathy was induced. Petrucka et al. (2014) specifically, designed programs for runaway adolescents who had inadequate guardians. In those programs it was shown that teaching adolescents to develop their own self-created lyrics and telling stories about themselves helped them to be creative and become critical thinkers. The tabletop role-playing games (TRPGs) are known as pen-and-paper role-playing games in which participants had to describe themselves through dialogs. Each player had to achieve goals and make progress by acting out, and creating an interesting story (Zagal & Deterding, 2018). Based on these games, Dyson et al. (2016) investigated the effectiveness of TRPGs on native Taiwanese and ethnic Chinese undergraduates and graduates’ creative potential and their emotional creativity. Findings showed that the experimental group significantly enhanced their creative potential in comparison to the control group. Mikhail Bakhtin believes that a dialog is a creative and reciprocal and symmetrical communication process of exchange between the self (I or addresser) and the others (addressees) and each person has the ability of seeing things that the other person cannot (Shires, 1999). According to Bakhtin’s creative understanding, Tam (2016) showed that there was an integrated relationship between teaching, learning, and researching processes in terms of children’s re-conceptualization (e.g., using imagination to find the logic beneath the plots and redesign the components). Based on Bakhtin’s dialog Celume et al. (2019) also showed that the pedagogy training (DPT) had a significant increase on children’s creativity and it’s both divergent and convergent thinking. Schwenke et al. (2021) found a significant improvement in adults’ creativity who participated in improvisational theater (improv). Hammershøj (2021) investigated children’s plays and humor and found that creativity in play was perceived as humor in action, thus, plays encompass elements of creativity such as imagination and being funny. Within educational settings, there are many investigations that were conducted and their findings support the effectiveness of teaching creative drama in enhancing creativity (Alfonso-Benlliure et al., 2021; Gruzelier, 2014; Horasan-Doğan & Cephe, 2020; Hui et al., 2018; Kim et al., 2019; Kirmizi, 2015; Lin, 2010; Nolte, 2018; Toivanen et al., 2011; Uzunöz & Demirhan, 2017). 2.7. The effectiveness of CBPGT on critical thinking Similar to creativity, most critical thinking investigations are administered within educational setting and similar creativity evi­ dences indicate that theatre education, role-play, and psychodrama are effective on enhancing students’ problem-solving and their critical thinking skills (Cheung et al., 1992; Dewey, 2014; Ganiron, 2014; Jefferies et al., 2020; Phonethibsavads, 2019; Rojas & Villafuerte, 2018; Shapiro & Leopold, 2012; Seyedi, 2020). Based on Moreno’s spontaneity, research findings showed that psycho­ drama enhanced students’ spontaneity and their critical thinking (Dojcinovski et al., 2015). McLennan & Smith (2006), Bidart-Novaes et al. (2014) showed that sociodramatic activities helped students’ critical thinking in terms of thinking faster, deeper, as well as seeing different viewpoints. Even though we did not create the intervention, the research is novel because the intervention has not taken place on adolescents with inadequate guardians 5 Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 N. Fallahi et al. 2.8. Theoretical framework On creativity, the theoretical framework of the present research is based on Schaefer’s concept of creativity (Schaefer, 1969a, 1969b, 1972), Guilford and specifically Torrance’s divergent thinking (Barron & Harrington, 1981), and Kim’s (1984, 2017) impact of environment on the creativity. On the critical thinking, we mainly follow Dewey’s thinking and Delphi’s report (Reed, 1998) and Ricketts’ critical thinking (Rhoades et al., 2009; Ricketts, 2003, 2014). On psychodrama, the theoretical framework is Moreno’s psychodrama drama (Giacomucci, 2021; Moreno, 1980) and Treadwell and Dartnell’s CBPGT (Treadwell & Dartnell, 2017; Treadwell et al., 2016). 3. Research hypotheses It seems that the majority of psychodrama researches on creativity and critical thinking neither were taken place within noneducational contexts nor were they conducted on adolescents with inadequate guardians. Since the adolescents have to adapt themselves with miserable conditions and they spend most of their time with either their inadequate or bad guardians or in the streets, they have to learn the skills to become aware and empowered in solving problems. In other words, they need to become creative and critical thinkers. By attending CBPGT intervention the adolescents would gain the creativity and critical thinking skills in order to adapt themselves to their current living conditions, find ways to make a better life, thinking about a better future, do some useful activities to reach their goals, and eventually would be instigated and motivated to become a better person. We needed to be positive about changes. If adolescents’ creativity and critical thinking skills would not have changed by this intervention, we would have replicated this intervention over and would find more creative and more critical thinking approaches in order to change adolescents’ attitudes towards their life. We know according to Schaefer & Drewes (2018) who claim that many children and adolescents at some point in their lives experience childhood psychopathology. We can infer that those adolescents who have inadequate guardians, due to their obliged specific lifestyles, would experience great amount of intense psychological pressures. Although we know that they would not seek for help but we definitely know that they need help, therefore, it is necessary to use the CBPGT as a device to see whether CBPGT is useful in making changes and turn adolescents into creative and critical thinkers, adapt and manage their emotions ratio­ nally, and eventually find better futures. Although we are not able to track theses adolescents’ lives in the future but we can hope that CBPGT would be a start in helping adolescences in becoming more creative and better critical thinkers in their forth coming life. Thus, based on what was detailed above, the hypotheses are as follows: Hypothesis 1: Cognitive-behavioral psychodrama group therapy (CBPGT) affects creativity. Hypothesis 2: Cognitive-behavioral psychodrama group therapy (CBPGT) affects critical thinking. 4. Methods 4.1. Participants The research population included all male adolescents with inadequate guardians (N = 33) who were referred by a Nursery Home. Then we received the approval from the university’s department of psychology research ethics committee (Ref. No.: E.A.00.07.04.01). One of the adolescents refused to participate and two of the questionnaires were incomplete, hence they were discarded. Since the number of participants were few, we used convenient sampling method and considered all (n = 30) as the sample size. Using simple random sampling method, we placed 15 of them in the intervention group and the other 15 in the control group. We used Schumacker and Mertler, Vannatta, and LaVenia’s (2021) guidelines: When the random selection or the random assignment to of groups are not possible and when in general the pretests are the measures of intact groups, the MANCOVA is used for adjusting the post means to assess the initial differences in groups. Since our statistical population was limited to the 30 (n = 30) we could not use a random sampling method. Besides we used the pretests as the covariates. As Schumacker mentions using covariate variable has two advan­ tages. First, it eliminates the systematic bias. For this reason, we used random sampling method to place the adolescents into two experimental and control groups (each group = 15). The second advantage of using a covariate is that it reduces the within-group error of the sum of squares between the sum of squares (SS). The SS is due to the adolescents’ individual differences. 4.2. Experimental design We used a pre/posttest design for the experiment. Creativity and critical thinking were considered as the dependent variables and CBPGT was taken as the independent variable. Since in creativity and critical thinking there are some overlap concepts (Alghafri & Ismail, 2014), to analyze the data, we applied multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) with the help of SPSS-23. Due to our limited sample size, we did not apply a pair method to place participants in paired or similar groups with a more or a less equal pre-test scores, thus what mattered was the effectiveness of the intervention not having any differences at the beginning in the pre-test of the experimental and the control groups. In addition. we used MANCOVA because according to Keller & Marchev (2022) those researches that deal with multiple correlated outcome variables MANCOVA would give a much better power to detect the effects than the ANOVAs. 6 Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 N. Fallahi et al. Table 1 A brief description of the CBPGT sessions. Goals Assignments Procedure: How creativity and critical thinking were trained through the CBPGT Understanding the members’ biography and the reason(s) for attending the sessions Initial monologue Introducing the therapist and the training program, establishing rapport, creativity, and self-concept Theatrical dialogue Creativity, critical thinking, self-concept. The purpose was to make the adolescents understand the importance of words in verbal communication; and to understand how important our emotional expressions are in our self-understanding and awareness; thus, our creativity and emotional expressions should be practiced. Home pantomime Creativity and critical thinking. The purpose was to reinforce communication skills, self-image, creativity, and critical thinking. Crossword sentences, behavioral training, imagining 3 years ago The therapist and members were introduced to each other. We interviewed the members. The therapist got familiar with adolescents’ interests, fears, and worries. The therapist requested that adolescents’ consent to participate in the experiment, tried to build a friendly and respectable environment, gave the assurance that adolescents’ personal secrets would be kept confidential, and it was mentioned that nobody would be humiliated and everyone deserved respect. At the end of the session, the questionnaires were distributed as the pre-test and they were collected right after their completion. The therapist complemented the adolescents’ participation in the experiment, encouraged them to be active and speak freely, introduced the group rules, applications, and the advantages of creativity and critical thinking. Then, the adolescents were divided into two groups sitting at two different tables but the tables were close to each other, so that they could see the other table’s performances. The therapist stressed that the adolescents use their creativity and critical thinking skills. Some advice and suggestions were provided. Then the therapist explained what the theatrical dialogue was and presented an example. Adolescents talked more about their interests and goals. The therapist reminded that we should respect each other’s life style, different opinion, and keep our secrets confidential. The therapist emphasized that the application of adolescents’ creativity should be original and with no imitations. She mentioned that there was no right or wrong and each individual in his demonstration should be relaxed. Home technique was trained: Adolescents were requested to close their eyes and after a few deep breaths to picturize themselves to be at home. Then they were asked to explain to their groups whether the home was small, new, old, etc. Did it have a yard? Was it an apartment? If yes, on what floor was it? Did it have any windows? If it did, how many? How large was its entrance door? What color was the sky and the home’s walls? In that home, what season was it? How many people lived in that home and how did they feel about living in that place? The therapist explained the importance, advantages, and applications of creativity in real life. She demonstrated an example of creativity in pantomime; then she requested that all the adolescents to perform a few pantomimes for their groups. The adolescents were requested to demonstrate a word (e. g., hello, name) and or a sentence while using different gestures and without using any emotions (e.g., face, tone of voice, eyes). Then the group members were supposed to guess what were demonstrated. At the end the therapist stated the words such as power, school, homeland, and home. Then, the adolescents were expected to show them again in pantomimes. Breathing training, expressing feelings and opinions at the end: The therapist commented on the previous session and answered the raised questions. The adolescents were trained how to have deep breathing, then they practiced it three times to have a physical relaxation and a cool mood. The cross sentence started in groups, using words and later in sentences. Members were requested to make a sentence and forward it to the next member. Each member was allowed to pass the sentence and or state it in a better form. Eventually the task turned into a group essay. Behavioral training: This technique was meant to learn social skills training in two situations (e.g., learning assertiveness without aggression, saying no, job interview). After the technique was shown by the therapist (continued on next page) 7 Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 N. Fallahi et al. Table 1 (continued ) Goals Assignments Procedure: How creativity and critical thinking were trained through the CBPGT Creativity and critical thinking. The purpose was to train creativity, critical thinking skills, and Problem-solving techniques. Dreaming a trip, teaching and applying problem-solving techniques through creative drama Creativity and critical thinking Theatrical action, teaching logical errors through drama, magic shop technique Critical thinking, creativity. The purpose was to practice theatrical diary, monologues, simile techniques, and assessing each other’s strengths. Memory drama, monologue, storytelling along with one volunteer, it was practiced by adolescents two-by-two in different situations (e.g., saying no to a smoking cigarette offer, saying no to an engagement proposal). Then their emotions (e.g., guilt. embarrassment, pride) were discussed. Three years ago, technique: In this technique the adolescents were requested to think and tell three endowments that were not possessed three years before. Since adolescents were at the beginning of their depression, they did not mention anything; so, the therapist mentioned the positive abilities that were possessed then. Because of this, the adolescents’ moods changed into better ones. The therapist commented on previous session (e.g., breathing techniques, and depression). The purpose of this session was training and practicing problem-solving and reinforcing creativity. An imaginary journey, creativity, problem-solving techniques, and their theatrical applications were the theme of the fifth session. Imaginary journey: As a future projection technique the therapist requested adolescents to close their eyes and to take a short trip into their best time of life. This trip could be in the past or into the future. The therapist asked about the details of the adolescents’ trips and what was necessary to do for the dream to happen. Creativity techniques: Adolescents were trained to do the brainstorming, inverse thinking, and changing to a world of humor and animation, changing their viewpoints, and conducting the “why” technique. Problem-solving techniques: Adolescents were trained to determine the subject, gathering information, diagnosing possible alternatives and the expense of usefulness, revising decisions, formulating the frame work (presenting the problem), and at the end with the aid of creativity become aware of other solutions and cognitive traps. Eventually, at the end, adolescents expressed their feelings and opinions. Adolescents were told to imagine that the therapist was able to convert the volunteer into a lifeless object and he had to express his feeling towards himself and life. This technique made adolescents able to look at things from different angles and view their personalities from different perspectives. Then the adolescents were asked if they could see themselves closer to what objects. The answers had to be out of the conventuals. The therapist tried to challenge the answers that were far from conventions (e.g., mountain, sky. water, stone, mask, fire, nursery home). Logical errors: Adolescents were trained to have critical thinking and explain the technique’s usefulness. For this, adolescents were asked to tell their lovely future jobs and explain their reasons. They were also asked to present instances. They were free to talk about anything they wished, any similar things, such as poems or music. Adolescents were expected to be skeptics and criticize anything. They were expected to ask, for example, why to start such a thing and they could explain its obstacles in their criticisms. Eventually adolescents expressed their criticisms, retold the experiences, commented on the other adolescents’ performances, magical techniques, and expressed their feelings. The therapist asked adolescents to express their opinions on the last session’s applied techniques and the breathing exercises. This session was on the theatrical diary and the monologue techniques. The theatrical diary technique: This technique was conducted by the therapist using a key word (e.g., father, (continued on next page) 8 Thinking Skills and Creativity 47 (2023) 101171 N. Fallahi et al. Table 1 (continued ) Goals Assignments Procedure: How creativity and critical thinking were trained through the CBPGT Creativity and critical thinking. The purpose was expressing opinions, exercising breathing, implementing new and previous techniques, modifying emotions, and expressing general feelings. Comparing and describing each other, changing past techniques A practical review of previously instructed techniques for fixation. The purpose was expressing opinions, exercising breathing, and speaking about dialogues Creativity, critical dialogue, A practical review of previously instructed techniques for fixation. Creativity, critical dialogue, taking the posttest mother, friend, neighbor, home) and explaining a memory. Then adolescents were asked to review their memories and recall one of them and change it to a better one. They were asked if they wanted to change that memory and how they would do it differently. The adolescents were asked to replay that memory theatrically in order to change their emotions towards those memories. All the adolescents were expected to be active and creative. Some of the adolescents were impressed by some of their memories. The monologue techniques: Adolescents were asked to speak about their thoughts, diaries, wishes, fears, and anything that would be real or imaginary. These series of scattered thoughts were different from the other topics in the forms of the flight of thoughts; they were the flow of the mental fluid. In fact, what the therapist wanted was to create a competition and make adolescents to let themselves travel freely to anywhere they wished and they could do it in a longer time in comparison to other participant members. The therapist asked adolescents to express others’ strengths and weaknesses while living in the nursery home. There were some times that the therapist noticed that the explanations of many good things about adolescents surprised them. The purpose was to reinforce self-images and to see others’ views, reinforcing problemsolving, and critical thinking. The second phase was the theatrical demonstrations. Adolescents formed groups that constituted two or three members with an empty chair and they creatively changed their places with each other and they were asked how they thought about each other. The adolescents were asked to speak about their feelings and emotions on the training (CBPGT), their previous and present feelings; also what they learned in these sessions; the future applications were discussed and they explained what they learned the best. Eventually adolescents expressed their opinions, exercised breathing, talked about their invented or distorted previous techniques, and spoke about their dialogues. The therapist presented the summary and the conclusion. She asked the adolescents to express their feelings, opinions, and the applications of the content of the sessions. The therapist conducted the posttest and distributed masks as souvenirs in gratitude for their participation. 4.3. Instruments Schaefer’s creativity attitude survey (CAS) with 32-items was used. Each positive answer is scored one (1) and each negative response is scored zero (0). By adding all the scores of each item together, the total score of the questionnaire is obtained. Schaefer reported the validity and the reliability of the instrument (Schaefer, 1991). Jauk et al. (2019) applied CAS on a University psychology students and declared that CAS is a valid and a reliable instrument. Karami (1998) is cited in Mami & Amirian (2017) translated CAS into Persian and used split and pre-test/post-test forms and reported the reliabilities as .75 and .81 respectively. Mehrabi & Goodarzi (2019) reported the Cronbach’s alpha of the instrument as .82. Amirian et al. (2021) reported that the survey was valid and its reliability was .65. The second instrument that we used was Ricketts’ engagement, maturity, and innovativeness (EMI) critical thinking disposition assessment. Ricketts reported t…
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