1 3 MOTIVATION AND EMOTIONAL TRANSACTIONS: WHERE DO 7 WE GO FROM HERE? 5 9 11 13 Paul A. Schutz, Kelly A. Rodgers and Jacqueline Simcic 15 17 I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth. (President John F. Kennedy, Joint session of Congress, May 25, 1961) 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 Within the social historical context of the time, this goal statement, in part, had the effect of energizing and focusing a nation in the direction of putting humans on the moon. From the point of view of motivational researchers it had many of the elements of a useful goal (e.g. specific, challenging and stated completion date) (Locke and Latham, 2002). In addition, from the perspective of emotion researchers, the goal had AU :1 the potential to act as a reference point from which people could judge how they felt about their progress toward and the accomplishment of that goal (Schutz, 1994; Smith, 1991). From our perspective, the potential to investigate goals from multiple points of view is representative of how we frame our discussion of the transactions among human motivations and emotions in this chapter. However, before we begin our discussion, we would like to make three points: first, we consider the constructs and thinking used by motivation and emotional scholars to be bounded by the social historical context in which 35 37 39 The Decade Ahead: Applications and Contexts of Motivation and Achievement Advances in Motivation and Achievement, Volume 16B, 45–71 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0749-7423/doi:10.1108/S0749-7423(2010)000016B005 45 46 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. they are being used. In other words, the meaning associated with motivational and emotional constructs continues to emerge and change over time (e.g. motivation was once thought to be explained simply by external factors). Therefore, these constructs will continue to change over time. Second, currently, within the context of a particular activity or event, we see motivational and emotional processes as merely different vantage points from which scholars have attempted to understand, explain and predict human thoughts and activities (Schutz, Hong, Cross, & Osbon, 2006). As a result, we focus on how these concepts overlap during the co-construction of a particular goal-directed attempt. Third, in this chapter we will focus mostly on emotional episodes, and, for space limitation, will not explicate the nature of transactions among motivations with other affective concepts such as core affect (e.g. mood) or affective tendencies (see Schutz, Aultman, & Williams-Johnson, 2009, for a discussion of these affective distinctions). Given those caveats, we discuss our current understandings about the nature of the processes associated with human motivation and emotion. To do so, we begin by discussing some of the overlapping concepts that have been used in both the motivation and emotion literature. During that discussion, we also focus on how these overlapping concepts are currently being used by some researchers who investigate transactions among motivations and emotions. Finally, we make claims about future inquiry that foreground the transactions among motivation and emotional processes in the educational contexts. 25 MOTIVATION AND EMOTION 27 29 31 In this section, we will highlight three overlapping concepts that are currently used in both the motivation and emotion literatures: goals, agency and expectancy. We recognize that there are other potential overlapping constructs (e.g. interest); however, we focus on these three. 33 Goals 35 37 39 Goals, Goal Importance and Value in the Motivation Literature Our assumption is that human activities (e.g. behaviors, thoughts, etc.) are intentional and directed toward something. For us, that ‘something’ is the goals, values and beliefs that people attempt to attain and maintain. We are not suggesting that people are always conscious of that intent, only Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 47 that there is directionality to human activity (Ford, 1992; Klinger, 1977; Schutz, 1991, 1994). In the motivation literature, researchers have suggested that goals, values and beliefs provide that direction for human thoughts, behavior and strategies (Ford, 1992; Ford & Smith, 2007; Markus & Nurius, 1986; Schutz, 1991, 1994; Schutz & Davis, 2000). Elsewhere, speaking specifically about goals, Schutz and colleagues, as well as others, have defined goals as subjective representations of what humans would like to have happen and what they would like to avoid happening in the future (Ford, 1992; Ford & Smith, 2007; Markus & Nurius, 1986; Schutz, 1991, 1994; Schutz, Crowder, & White, 2001; Schutz et al., 2006). In this context, we use goals as a broad category that includes AU :2 both goal content, which answers questions of ‘what’ a person would like to accomplish (e.g. I want to become a teacher, or I want to lose 10 lb by the end of the year), and goal orientation, which answers questions of ‘why’ a person would like to accomplish something (e.g. I enjoy learning in this class, or I want to get an ‘A’ so it will help me get into graduate school). In addition to the actual goals themselves, the importance or value of those goals to the individual within a particular context has also been demonstrated to play a key role in motivation (Eccles, 2005; Ford, 1992; Schutz, White, & Lanehart, 2000). For example, results of research conducted by Eccles (1983, 2005) suggest that student task values are associated with future decisions to take additional courses in a particular area. Similarly, Schutz et al. (2000) found that students accomplished and spent more time on the goals that they rated as most important to themselves. In addition, those students who spent more time on their most important goals also tended to perform better academically. 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 Goals, Goal Importance and Value in the Emotion Literature Goals also play a key role in the current human emotion literature (Carver & Scheier, 2000; Ford, 1992; Ford & Smith, 2007; Frijda, 1993; Lazarus, 1991; Pekrun, Frenzel, Goetz, & Perry, 2007; Scherer, 1984; Schutz & Davis, 2000; Smith, 1991). Schutz et al. (2006) described emotional experiences as ‘socially constructed, personally enacted ways of being that emerge from conscious and/or unconscious judgments regarding perceived successes at attaining goals or maintaining standards or beliefs during transactions as part of social–historical contexts’ (p. 344). For our discussion here, the key part of that definition is that emotions involve judgments or appraisals (Boekaerts, 2007; Pekrun et al., 2007; Schutz & Davis, 2000; Schutz & DeCuir, 2002). The reference points for those judgments or appraisals are individuals’ goals, values and beliefs 48 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. (Carver & Scheier, 2000; Ford & Smith, 2007; Schutz & DeCuir, 2002; Schutz & Davis, 2000; Weiner, 2007). In other words, human goals, values and beliefs represent ways individuals, as members of social groups, position themselves during particular life events (Boekaerts, 2007; Ford, 1992; Ford & Smith, 2007; Markus & Nurius, 1986; Schutz et al., 2001, 2009). As such, during events, people tend to make judgments about how they see the pursuit of their goals progressing during a particular transaction. In most cases, these judgments tend to occur outside of the person’s awareness, yet these judgments are seen as being key to an emotional episode (Frijda, 1993; Lazarus, 1991; Pekrun et al., 2007; Schutz & Davis, 2000; Schutz et al., 2009; Smith, 1991). Lazarus (1991, 1999) made a distinction between primary and secondary appraisals (more on secondary appraisal later). Primary appraisals consist of judgments or appraisals related to two issues that are key to this discussion: (1) goal relevance (i.e. is the activity seen as important or of value to the person’s goals, standards or beliefs?) and (2) goal congruence (i.e. is the activity perceived as going the way the person hoped it would?). For Lazarus (1991, 1999), it is these primary appraisals that are seen as influencing the valence of an emotional episode. So, if an activity is judged to be important and going well, a pleasant emotional episode is more likely to occur. Conversely, if an activity is judged as important but perceived as not going well, an unpleasant emotional episode is more likely. The results of a recent study by DeCuir-Gunby, Aultman, and Schutz (2009) demonstrated this relationship between goal congruence appraisals and test emotion. In this study, college students who reported higher levels of goal congruent appraisals related to testing – in other words, their test performances generally tended to go the way they hoped – also reported lower levels of test anxiety (r ¼
.57) and anger (r ¼
.67), but higher levels of test hope (r ¼
.43) and pride (r ¼ .43). These results suggest that student judgments regarding how their goal-directed attempts are going have a role, depending on additional secondary appraisals (see later discussion), in the emotions they experience. 33 35 37 39 Motivational and Emotional Goal Transactions Some researchers have specifically looked at transaction among motivation and emotion concepts. For example, Linnenbrink and Pintrich (2002), drawing upon Dweck and Leggett’s (1988) social-cognitive theory of achievement goal orientation, investigated how the goal orientations that students adopt and their perceived progress toward meeting those goals affect their emotions and, reciprocally (but to a lesser extent), how emotions Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 49 influence students’ choices of goal orientations. Thus, students who adopt a performance goal (e.g. receive an ‘A’ on an exam), for example, and use peers’ performance as a reference point on which to base their progress toward this goal, become more vulnerable to unpleasant emotions (shame and frustration) should they deem the gap between their current state and their desired state to be too wide. To cope with this discrepancy, some students may subsequently place less value on the task (Twenge & Crocker, 2002) or self-handicap (thereby adjusting their attributions such that shortcomings are blamed on uncontrollable circumstances). According to Linnenbrink and Pintrich (2002), these unpleasant emotions may then affect the goals that students adopt when facing the same or similar tasks (the defensive pessimism coping described by Martin, Marsh, & Debus, 2001). Linnenbrink and Pintrich (2002) also suggest that the adoption of mastery goals encourages emotions in the face of both success and failure that are different than if one held performance-approach or performance-avoid goals. That is, if students hold mastery goal orientations and are making insufficient progress on a task, resulting emotions are likely to be more pleasant. Conversely, students with performance goals would be expected to have more unpleasant affect. At the crux of Linnenbrink and Pintrich’s (2002) proposed integration of motivation and affect is an adaptation of Carver and Scheier’s (1990) control-process model. In the control-process model, individuals act to reduce the discrepancy between their own behavior and a reference point (e.g. goal). The iterative process of seeking to reduce the discrepancy between one’s current state and the desired state creates a control process within the individual. The monitoring of the control process as a person moves toward his or her goals can then be linked with certain affective states, as in the previously stated case of students who have mastery goals. Recent research on goals and emotions supports this proposed relationship. For example, in her study of elementary students’ emotions, goals and achievement outcomes, Linnenbrink (2005) found that performance goal orientations were positively correlated with test anxiety (an unpleasant emotion). Extending beyond the unpleasant/pleasant emotion dichotomy, McGregor and Elliot (2002) examined challenge/threat affect as it relates to college students’ emotions. Linnenbrink (2005) proposed that students’ goal orientation (mastery or performance approach or avoid) affects whether students appraise a task as either a challenge or a threat, each of which is linked to a specific set of achievement emotions. In their sample of undergraduate students, McGregor and Elliot (2002) found that masteryapproach and performance-approach goal orientation predicted emotions 50 1 3 5 7 9 11 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. associated with challenge appraisals while performance-avoidance goals were related to threat affect. As such, from a motivational perspective goals represent what the person is generally (e.g. life goals and core goals), as well as specifically (e.g. proximal or task-specific goals), attempting to attain or maintain. From the emotion perspective, it is those goals that act as the reference points during particular events to appraise where one is in a relationship to where one wants to be. As such, the appraisals one makes during goaldirected events are thought to influence the emotions one experiences during that event and those emotions have the potential to influence future motivation and emotion. 13 Agency 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 Agency or Control in the Motivation Literature The second concept that overlaps both the motivation and emotion literature is agency. In the motivation literature, research related to human perceptions regarding agency or control has a long history (deCharms, 1968; Rotter, 1966). Early in this area of research, deCharms discussed this issue in terms of a distinction between origins and pawns. ‘Origins’ are people who believe their activity is determined by their own choosing – they tend to see themselves as being in control and responsible for their actions. On the other hand, ‘pawns’ are people who believe their activity is determined by external factors beyond their control – they tend to see themselves as being more powerless. An additional point to consider is that deCharms (1968) indicated that the distinction between origin and pawn is continuous and non-discrete, which suggests that personal experiences as well as social historical contexts also play a role in one’s perception of control during particular events. More recently, Deci and Ryan (1985) argued that autonomy, along with competence and relatedness, are three basic innate psychological needs (Deci & Moller, 2005). Autonomy, from their perspective, represents AU :3 our need for a sense of control as it relates to choosing behaviors. In other words, as perceptions of personal control increase, there tends to be a corresponding increase in activity (i.e. motivation) directed toward the development, pursuit and accomplishment of one’s goals. In attribution theory, this is the controllability dimension that, along with locus and stability, has been used to investigate how people explain or talk about their successes and failures (Weiner, 2005, 2007). Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 51 For the controllability dimension of attribution theory, explanations like effort (e.g. I put in a lot of effort preparing for that game) and strategies used (e.g. That was the wrong way to approach that test) tend to be seen as being more controllable and therefore more motivational to the person, whereas failures associated with task difficulty (e.g. That was way too hard) and luck (e.g. I had bad luck) tend to be seen as uncontrollable and therefore more likely result in less activity directed toward goal pursuit. Agency or Control in the Emotion Literature Issues related to the perception of control in the emotion literature center around both the aforementioned appraisal and attribution processes. As indicated, Lazarus (1991) made a distinction between primary (i.e. goal relevance and congruence) and secondary appraisals. Accordingly, primary appraisals tend to influence the valence of the emotions experience related to a particular activity (i.e. pleasant emotion vs. unpleasant emotion). In addition, researchers who have investigated the appraisal processes suggest that to make fine-grained distinctions about specific emotions, additional or secondary appraisals are needed (Pekrun et al., 2007; Schutz & Davis, 2000; Smith, 1991; Smith & Ellsworth, 1987). In secondary appraisal, the judgments revolve around perceptions of what, if anything, the person can do during an activity to move one toward his or her particular goals, standards or beliefs. In other words, does the person think he or she will be successful in this particular attempt? The results of a recent study by DeCuir-Gunby et al. (2009) demonstrated this relationship between agency appraisals and test emotion. In this study, college students who reported higher levels of agency appraisals – in other words, they generally felt in control during tests – also reported lower levels of test anxiety (r ¼
.36) and anger (r ¼
.50), as well as higher levels of test hope (r ¼ .41) and pride (r ¼ .38). Agency, or judgments about who is in control or who caused what is occurring during a transaction, is considered to be a secondary appraisal. For example, if students judge an event to be goal relevant but going badly and someone else’s fault, anger is likely to emerge. However, if students judge an event to be goal relevant, going poorly and their own fault, it is more likely that guilt or shame will emerge (Smith, 1991; Smith & Ellsworth, 1987). For a researcher interested in the appraisal process, the focus is on the judgments that are made during the actual event. In attribution theory, the focus is on the judgments that occur after the event or, in other words, explanations for why people think they were successful or not successful. In addition to the motivational consequences 52 1 3 5 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. discussed earlier, Weiner (2005, 2007) has also investigated attributions and their influence on emotions. For example, explanations for unsuccessful attempts that include a controllable attribution have been associated with shame and guilt, whereas explanations for unsuccessful attempts that involve uncontrollable attributions have been associated with anger and pity (Weiner 2005, 2007). 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 Motivational and Emotional Agency Transactions Boekaerts (1996) proposed that students have two priorities: increasing their value by increasing their academic competence and maintaining a positive sense of self or well-being. When students believe in their own agency to create the desired outcome and thus experience the pleasant emotions associated with such agency beliefs, Boekaerts (2007) contends that they continue down the mastery track with the goal of increasing their academic competence. Conversely, when students perceive a discrepancy between their current state and the goals of the task, or lack belief in their ability to affect or control the outcome of the task, they switch to a more selfprotective mode. Martin et al. (2001) examined self-handicapping and what they termed defensive pessimism as coping mechanisms during academic tasks. Following Boekaerts’s (1996, 2007) assertion regarding students’ desire to maintain their positive sense of self, by either approaching or avoiding a task, defensive pessimists ‘alter the meaning of failure by steeling themselves for failure and by setting lower and safer standards against which to be judged’ (Martin et al., 2001, p. 87). Some students who self-handicap have the potential, in the short term, to maintain a positive sense of self by making attribution adjustments. They may seek to attribute their current struggles to a lack of effort (controllable) rather than to a lack of ability or intelligence (uncontrollable). By deflecting away from a possible lack of ability, students have the potential to maintain, in the short term, their positive view of themselves and their academic abilities (see Urdan & Midgley, 2001 for a more comprehensive discussion of self-handicapping). In addition, on a more positive note, Wolters (2003) points to the use of attribution adjustments as indicative of students’ ability to self-regulate their motivation and, ultimately, the emotions associated with that motivation. Ford and Smith (2007), in the construction of their model of optimal human functioning, propose that perceptions of agency, or one’s perceived ability to affect an outcome, mediate the relationship between one’s goals and corresponding emotions, with motivation being the product of the interaction of these three components. In the classroom environment, Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 53 this means that students’ achievement-related emotions are dependent on, at least in part, their beliefs about the amount of personal control (or agency) that they have to affect their academic outcomes and achieve task goals. Agency beliefs, perceived progression toward goals and the regulation of resulting emotions then interact to influence students’ task motivation. This interrelationship is most readily seen in the literature that examines the positive effects of student-centered classrooms on the motivation and affect of both teachers (Pelletier, Seguin-Levesque, & Legault, 2002; Reeve, Bolt, & Cai, 1999) and students (Harter, Whitesell, & Kowalski, 1992; Martin et al., 2001). Assor, Kaplan, and Roth (2002) examined the effects of teacher autonomy support on students’ academic engagement. Assessing specific pleasant (comfort, enjoyment and interest) and unpleasant emotions (stress, anger and boredom) and engagement in the sample of 862 elementary school students, they found that providing choice predicted students’ pleasant emotions, while suppressing students’ criticism/devaluing student input predicted students’ unpleasant emotions. From a motivational perspective, personal control represents a need and/or beliefs about one’s perceptions of agency in the world. For the most part, seeing oneself as an active agent in the world tends to promote activity toward one’s goals. From the emotion perspective, agency appraisals or attributions made during or after an event are tied, as indicated above, to more specific, rather then simple pleasant or unpleasant, emotional experiences related to that event. 25 27 Expectancy 29 Expectancy and Self-efficacy in the Motivation Literature In motivation literature, expectancy refers to a person’s belief or judgment about his or her abilities to be successful at a task. There are a number of terms that have been used to differentiate these aspects of human belief processes. It is not the goal of this chapter to explicate the nature of those distinctions; however, some examples are expectance (i.e. expectancy-value theory; Eccles, 2005), personal agency beliefs, (i.e. motivational systems theory; Ford, 1992), self-concept (Marsh, 1990) and self-efficacy (i.e. socialcognitive theory; Bandura, 1997). The roles of such beliefs, however, are important in the construction of theoretical representations of the relationship between motivational constructs and emotions, which is the focus of current research in the area. 31 33 35 37 39 54 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. Self-efficacy, in particular, may be one of the most researched constructs in the area of motivation and the consistent finding is that as one’s beliefs about one’s capability to accomplish a task increase, there tends to be a corresponding increase in activity (i.e. motivation) directed toward the development, pursuit and accomplishment of one’s goals related to the particular task of interest. For example, if teachers feel confident in their capabilities to manage their classroom, they tend to be more likely to be successful at managing their classroom (Emmer & Hickman, 1991). Similarly, if students feel confident in their ability to complete a task such as an assignment, they are also more likely to experience success. Researchers have demonstrated the importance of self-efficacy with a number of important motivational outcomes. For example, self-efficacy has been associated with effort and task persistence (Bandura & Cervone, 1983; Schunk, 1995), the use of cognitive and self-regulatory strategies (Pintrich & DeGroot, 1990) as well as higher academic achievement (Ferla, Valcke, & Cai, 2009; Lodewyk, Winne, & Jamieson-Noel, 2009; Pearson, 2008). The aforementioned researchers provide only a subset of the research findings that demonstrate the influence of self-efficacy beliefs on motivational as well as other outcomes. As such, it is clear that efficacy beliefs are important to our understanding of motivational processes. 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 Expectancy and Self-efficacy in the Emotion Literature In the emotion literature, in addition to secondary appraisals related to agency, Schutz and colleagues have also investigated the expectancy variable during testing by using what they have termed testing problem efficacy, which they define as the perceived potential to deal with problems, such as difficult or unexpected questions, that might occur during a test (Schutz & Davis, 2000; Schutz, Benson, & DeCuir, 2008). More generally, during events people make judgments not only about the task, but also if they see themselves being able to handle difficult or unexpected events that might occur during the task. How someone appraises a situation, related to problem efficacy, may be the difference between experiencing anxiety (i.e. appraising the event as goal relevant, goal incongruent and low efficacy) and challenge or hope (i.e. appraising the event as goal relevant, goal incongruent and high efficacy) (Smith, 1991; Smith & Ellsworth, 1987). DeCuir-Gunby et al. (2009) provided evidence for that relationship when college students, who reported higher levels of test-problem efficacy, also reported lower levels of test anxiety (r ¼
.35) and anger (r ¼
.51), as well as higher levels of test hope (r ¼ .57) and pride (r ¼ .52). In other words, students who felt confident that they could get themselves out of problems Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 55 that might arise during testing tended to report potentially more useful emotions during tests. For example, a student with high problem efficacy who temporarily forgets a formula during a math exam may experience feelings of challenge rather than panic. Other researchers have found similar findings for the emotions of enjoyment and anxiety (e.g. Pekrun et al., 2007; Zeidner, 2007). Conversely, as noted by Bandura (1977), emotional AU :4 states are one source of efficacy expectation. For example, a normally academically capable and efficacious student who is experiencing depression may not feel as confident in his or her ability to perform well on a specific assignment. In this case, the lower self-efficacy may be tied to the emotional state of the student such that more pleasant emotions might result in an increase in the student’s task efficacy. Researchers have also found similar relationships between emotions and emotional regulation with teacher emotions. For example, Sutton (2007) presented data that indicated that teacher efficacy was related to the perceived effectiveness of showing pleasant emotions. In other words, being confident about themselves as teachers was tied to how the teachers regulate their emotions in the classroom. In addition, Day and Qing (2009) reported high teacher efficacy was associated with teachers’ pleasant emotions. Finally, Chang and Davis (2009) found teachers’ appraisals of their own goal incongruence and lack of problem efficacy were related to student disruptions. In other words, teacher perceptions of things not going well combined with a lack of confidence in being able to handle classroom problems was associated with not only an increase in student disruption, but also intensity of the emotions teacher experiences. In addition, that intensity or emotional experience tended to also predict their use of emotional regulation as well as feeling burnout. 29 31 33 35 37 39 Motivational and Emotional Agency Transactions Pekrun et al. (2007), in what they have labeled control-value theory, have attempted to integrate a number of motivational and emotional theoretical frameworks that demonstrate how human motivation and emotion processes are complementary, rather than mutually exclusive. Among others, their theory draws from expectancy-value theory (Atkinson & Raynor, 1978; Eccles, 2005), attribution theory (Weiner, 2005), transactional theory of emotions (Lazarus, 1991), control theory (Skinner, Wellborn, & Connell, 1990) and goal orientation theory (Dweck & Leggett, 1988). This integrated theory relies heavily on the three constructs discussed earlier in this chapter: control, efficacy and goals (values). 56 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. For Pekrun et al. (2007), subjective control refers to the amount of agency that one perceives over outcomes associated with a task and depends on one’s causal expectancies and attributions. In other words, if students think they can do something (expectancies) and believe that past successes have been the result of their own efforts, they will tend to perceive themselves as being in control within a similar context. Therefore, as with expectancyvalue theory, expectancy plays a key role. In terms of expectancies, Pekrun et al. (2007) further categorize expectancies into three types: actioncontrol (Heckhausen, 1977), action-outcome and situation-outcome. Akin to Bandura’s (1997) self-efficacy construct, action-control expectancies refer to beliefs in one’s abilities to begin and achieve a desired outcome, while action-outcome expectancies refer to one’s expectancies that engaging in an activity will allow one to achieve a valued outcome. As previously indicated, this concept refers to the extent to which an activity is perceived as relevant to the meeting of one’s goals. Situation-outcome expectations describe expectations that a particular outcome will occur without one’s action or involvement. Each of these expectancies suggests a level of perceived control over the outcomes associated with a given task. As discussed in the previous section, consideration of control permeates the literature on achievementrelated outcomes (e. g. Rotter, 1966; deCharms, 1968; Weiner, 2007). At the crux of the focus on the effects of perceived control on achievement outcomes, particularly when connecting motivation and emotion, are students’ beliefs in their own agency and attributions. Generally speaking, from a motivational perspective, personal efficacy represents one’s beliefs about one’s capability of being successful at a given task. For the most part, seeing oneself as being capable of attaining one’s goals tends to promote activity toward and successes with one’s goals. From the emotion perspective, efficacy appraisals made during an event are tied, as indicated above, to the emotions experienced related to that event. 31 Summary 33 35 37 39 Taken together, these three concepts, goals, control and agency, play important roles in the current motivation and emotion literature. It is our contention that the nature of the overlapping transactions among those concepts may be best understood when discussing how particular episodes unfold during goal-directed attempts. However, it may difficult to contextualize those complex, dynamic processes when viewed from theoretical and methodological lens of particular motivation or emotional Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 57 theories. As such, we have begun to think about those transactions from an ecological dynamic systems perspective. 3 5 ECOLOGICAL DYNAMIC SYSTEMS PERSPECTIVE 7 In using this ecological dynamic systems perspective, our aim is to acknowledge both social historical contexts (ecological) in which an episode occurs and the dynamic transactions that occur during that particular event (dynamic systems). Elsewhere, Schutz, Cross, Hong, and Osbon (2007) used Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model (1986) to explicate how social historical contextual influences help to create the context for particular classroom episodes. In other words, there are social historical elements that influence the motivational and emotional nature of particular events. For example, in the United States, over the past 8–10 years laws have been created (macrosystem) regarding the use of high-stakes standardized testing to collect information about students, teachers and/or school district progress related to predetermined performance criteria. These changes at the macrosystem level have had rippling effects throughout the educational system. Researchers who have investigated the effects of such reform on classroom teachers have documented the emotional and motivational changes that occur at the classroom level (Cross & Hong, 2009; Kelchtermans, Ballet, & Piot, 2009; Nichols & Berliner, 2007; Turner, Waugh, Summers, & Grove, 2009; van Veen & Sleegers, 2009). One perspective on this change comes from Ms. Jones who, in a recent interview, discusses her experience as a teacher on the day of the standardized test within the microsystem of her particular classroom: 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 That is the most emotional draining day of our lives. Because as the teacher, we are watching a train wreck sometimes, we are like – oh! I think it is so wrong [the testing] because we are supposed to teach them and guide them, but we can’t do that with the test. – We just watch them and make sure they don’t cheat and follow directions. It is emotionally draining and frustrating. You know the ones that need the help but you can’t help them. You are hoping they are doing their best. All you do is to watch their faces because you hope that they go like ‘‘Oh I know this, I got this!’’ Instead of, ‘‘Oh, my god what is this?’’ y But I think it is very emotional, it is very draining to have to watch little children take that test. We use the above quote to illustrate ways in which the social historical contexts (e.g. the chronosystem and macrosystem) influence classroom transactions. As such, to understand Ms Jones’s goal-directed classroom attempts, as well as her agency and self-efficacy associated with those 58 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. attempts, it is also important to understand the social historical contexts from which those goals have emerged. In other words, in order to understand particular classroom events that are occurring in the USA at this particular point in time and the potential complex motivational and emotional processes associated with that event, the social historical contexts within which the event occurred need also be acknowledged. To see that balance between the social historical contexts and a particular event, Schutz et al. (2009) presented the case of Ms. Bell, who had a classroom goal of creating a safe and caring place for students. She believed (perceived efficacy and agency) that she could develop this safe, caring place by spending a considerable amount of time early in the semester getting to know her students. In other words, her belief was that if she knew them and they knew she cared for them, classroom activities would go smoothly. However, the frustration she expressed regarding a particular event in which a student continued his pattern of classroom disruptions suggests there was still work to be done. In her interview, she described the event like the following: It’s seven months into the school year, so I’m wondering why we haven’t worked through that [her relationship with the child], but uh, it’s also a child who has pretty, you know, severe problems at home. And me being aware of those, it’s kind of one of those situations where I’m wondering how do we expect him to function in the classroom when he’s going through that stuff at home? So it’s still frustrating for me, because I feel like it’s something [his classroom disruptions] we should have worked through by month seven. (Schutz et al., 2009, p. 204) Ms. Bell’s account of the above emotional event provides an example of the transactions among motivational and emotional constructs. In regard to motivation, she had a valued goal of developing a safe, caring classroom context. She expressed confidence in her ability to create that context by getting to know her students early in the semester – thus acting as an ‘origin’. However, during this particular event, what she saw happening did not match what she wanted to happen (goal incongruence). She labeled her emotional experience as frustration, which in part motivated her toward figuring out other potential strategies that would help her to develop her relationship with this as well as other children in her class and to continue toward her goal of developing a safe, caring classroom context. From the ecological or social historical context lens, teaching – especially at the elementary school such as the one Ms. Bell teaches at – is predominantly a female profession. Thus, her goal of developing a safe, caring place may, in part, be tied to emerged societal roles and expectations that tend to suggest that women are nurturing and therefore suited for the Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 59 teaching role (Noddings, 1984). In addition, researchers investigating teachers’ emotions have begun to investigate societal influenced feeling and/or display rules (Denzin, 1984; Hochschild, 1983; Russell, 1991; Schutz et al., 2007; Zembylas, 2005). In other words, based on historical views AU :5 about how teachers should interact with students, there are expectations about what emotions teacher should and can feel and how they are expected to display those emotions to their students. Research in this area is just beginning; however, this may also suggest that Ms. Bell’s goal of creating a safe, caring place might also be a reflection of not only her goals, but also societal expectations for how teachers should interact with students in classrooms. As we zoom in to this particular event and the emotion associated with that event, there is a growing interest, particularly in positive psychology for a dynamic systems theory lens. For example, Fogel et al. (1992) suggested that emotions ‘are neither states nor programs but self-organizing dynamic processes that are created with respect to the flow of the individual’s activity in a context’ (p. 122). This view of motivation and emotions as part of a dynamic, or changing, system proposes that motives and emotions are not static but are in a constant state of flux, as interrelated systems interact with situational and individual characteristics to create transient emotional episodes (Ford & Smith, 2007; Lewis, 2005; van Geert, 2008). For Ms. Bell, within the retelling of this particular episode we see that flux as well as the self-organizing nature of this transaction. In this case the episode begins with a disturbance in the goal-directed lesson of Ms Bell. As she talks about her relationship with this student we hear her explore potential attributions as she tries to make sense of this event and her frustration about that event. Thus, she begins by suggesting internal agency attribution: ‘It’s seven months into the school year, so I’m wondering why we haven’t worked through that [her relationship with the child]’. From there, in an effort to make sense of that event, she also explores an external attribution with the student’s home life by stating: ‘it’s also a child who has pretty, you know, severe problems at home’. However, in the end she goes back to her original assessment ‘I feel like it’s something [his classroom disruptions] we should have worked through by month seven’. This short excerpt demonstrates the transactions among Ms. Bell’s goals, as well as her agency and efficacy beliefs regarding this particular event. The attributions she uses while retelling her story have the potential to influence her future levels of motivation as well as her emotional experiences. As such, it is our contention that in order to account for the transactions among all of these various personal systems (e.g. self, emotional, social interactions, 60 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. motivational, etc.) at the episode level, a dynamic systems approach to may be a useful. Elsewhere, the dynamic systems approach has been used in the motivation and emotion literature (Eynde & Turner, 2006; Fogel et al., 1992; Lewis & Granic, 2000). In addition, dynamic systems theory is also being used as the framework for more comprehensive descriptions of the interdependency of human functional systems. For example, Frederickson and Losada (2005) offer the idea of ‘human flourishing’. Drawing on data from measures that assess a wide range of positive and negative emotions, the authors propose that a mathematical ratio of positive to negative affect can be used to indicate the point at which one can be considered ‘flourishing’, denoting this cut-off score as the ‘Losada line’. Adopting a similar ‘whole person’ dynamic systems approach, Ford and Smith (2007) introduced their Thriving with Social Purpose (TSP) framework. Derived from a humanistic perspective, the TSP model supposes that the mechanism that spurs on all of the component systems is an innate desire to strive for social purpose. In striving for purpose, goals, beliefs and emotions are activated in ‘mutually reinforcing patterns’ (p. 153), ideally to reach what the authors refer to as ‘optimal functioning’, or, as Maslow described, self-actualization. In such broader dynamic systems models as these, the motivation–emotion relationship is but one piece situated in a larger set of ever-changing human systems. From our perspective it may be the combination of an ecological perspective with the dynamic systems approach that may provide a useful lens from which we, as researchers, can develop a better understanding of the transactions that occur during classroom events. The usefulness of this combination for researchers results from being able to talk about social historical contextual issues that provide emphasis on classroom transactions, and in developing understandings of the processes involved throughout the flow of activities that occur during particular episodes. It is from that perspective that we will now discuss some potential directions for future research. 33 DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 35 37 39 When reviewing the above-mentioned conclusions from researchers on motivation and emotion, certain avenues for future research become apparent. Perhaps the most useful future research objective is the notion of conceptualizing, accepting and integrating our understanding of motivation and emotion into classroom settings more effectively. This objective is Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 61 representative of the non-linear nature of the motivational and emotional transactions between student and teacher. As is evidenced in this chapter, one direction might be to focus on furthering our understanding of students’ emotions in achievement contexts and how these emotions affect their motivation (particularly their achievement motivation). In a reciprocal direction, we suggest further exploration into how teachers’ motivation and emotions are shaped by transactions with students’ emotions and how the emotions of both students and teachers are shaped by practices at both the school and policy levels (i.e. social historical contexts). In the following sections, we outline what we see as potential useful directions for inquiry in emotion and motivation for students, teachers and educational policy. We also offer suggestions for the use of new methodologies for examining classroom emotions and motivations. 15 Students 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 As discussed in this chapter, much of the early and current research in emotions and education focuses on the breadth of students’ emotions in academic contexts. From a dynamic systems approach, next steps in the study of students’ emotions should focus on the student in emotional context, that is, moving beyond examining students’ emotions and motivations in isolation and turning our attention to how they play out in varying situations and contexts. For example, how do students’ emotions interact with those of teachers and what are the resulting motivations? Or, what personal or cultural characteristics of students are associated with certain emotional displays and what is the impact on motivation in the classroom context and how does this change over time? One example is the researchers who have examined the cultural contextual effect of emotions and motivations of students from backgrounds that are different from the dominant cultural atmosphere of the school or university (DeCuir-Gunby & Williams, 2007; Gloria, Castellanos, Scull, & Villegas, 2009; Rodgers & Summers, 2008; Winograd, 2009). Thus, by embedding AU :6 student emotions in personal, historical and situational contexts, we may be able to examine more effectively not just achievement-related motivation and emotions, but also the full breadth of the classroom experience. Another area of research interest targets teacher training and classroom instruction as well as students (e.g. Meyer, 2009). Citing the need for AU :7 curriculum improvements and increased student engagement, some current research examines the core components of curriculum that connect learning 62 1 3 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. activities with pleasant or unpleasant emotions and that make these tasks either challenging or fun in the eyes of students. The hope is that such discoveries will lead to the implementation of activities that will spur greater interest and enthusiasm on the part of students (Boekaerts, 2007). 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 Teachers The ecological dynamic systems perspective also guides our recommendations for future research on teacher motivation and emotional transactions. Emotional display rules, which suggest what emotions are appropriate in which situations, and emotional labor which, in the present discussion, refers to the amount of work needed to display those preferred emotions, can combine to create compassion fatigue wherein teachers may experience motivational and emotional exhaustion. Here, the teacher of a hard-working but struggling student may experience emotional exhaustion as she or he fights to maintain a positive attitude as the student’s emotions become more unpleasant. Such expectations of teacher emotional regulation have been shown to hinder teacher effectiveness as well as student success (Oplatka, 2009; Chang & Davis, 2009; Schutz et al., 2007; Meyer & Turner, 2007). AU :8 As such, future research should seek to discover why some emotions are expressed while others are repressed. Chang and Davis (2009) suggested that some unpleasant interactions with ‘problem students’ might be avoided if teachers felt freer to display their array of emotions with students who might be crying out for affection. Additionally, the necessity of determining the underlying causes of teacher emotions as well as the resulting appraisals they make about those emotions is paramount. Some researchers have proposed that the gamut of teacher emotions, including anger and frustration, should be displayed at some level in order to appropriately model correct emotional responses for students and to prevent maladaptive responses to unpleasant emotion (Pekrun et al., 2007; Sutton, 2007). Clearly more inquiry is needed to determine what this might look like in the classroom and how those displays might influence teacher and student motivation. With these goals in mind, we recommend that longitudinal studies of teachers’ emotional development over time as well as ethnographies of these personal experiences would be helpful in gaining greater understanding of the underlying causes and resulting effects of teacher emotion. Further, keeping in mind student–teacher emotional transactions, the effects of teacher emotional modeling and development of students’ motivation and emotional regulation should also be examined. Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 63 For example, the greater use of imagination and emotion in the teaching may also increase students’ achievement motivation (Rosiek & Beghetto, 2009). To accomplish this, researchers suggest that teachers should find a personal connection with the subject content and develop ways to communicate this connection with students (Meyer, 2009). Accordingly, future research should investigate the effect of teachers’ connection with their subject matter (and likely the extent to which they have control over curricula), their resulting motivation and emotions and academic outcomes of their students. 11 School and Educational Policy 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 A thorough knowledge of the motivation and emotional changes that will be experienced as a result of working conditions and future policy measures is also a necessary component of a complete and confident teacher (Meyer, 2009; Kelchtermans et al., 2009). As such, in accordance with the Ecological Dynamic Systems approach, the transactions between principals and teachers and the inherent emotions within these relationships should be studied in relation to teacher motivation and emotion in the classroom (Turner et al., 2009). On a wider scale, the implications of state and national policy for teacher emotional latitude and control over curricula and what this means for students’ emotional regulation, motivation and ultimate academic achievement should also be considered. For example, inquiries should be made into the long-term effects and emotional impact of highstakes testing and accountability measures on both students and teachers. As the previous quote from Ms Jones illustrates, the use of high-stakes testing is changing the nature of classroom transactions. Researchers who have looked at high-stakes testing indicate a growing concern for teacher control of curriculum development, a new classroom atmosphere that emphasizes performance goals more than mastery and teachers who may fear for their job security as the result of the value placed on such testing (Nichols & Berliner, 2007; Zembylas & Schutz, 2009). The ‘high-stakes testing era’ has created a new historical context in which student and teacher emotions and motivation may play out differently than in other stages in educational history. Thus, future research must address the impact of this era not only on students’ achievement outcomes, but also on students’ and teachers’ emotional regulation and motivation. From a motivational perspective, van Veen and Sleegers (2009) suggest that agency may serve to empower teachers toward the implementation of 64 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 PAUL A. SCHUTZ ET AL. policies in their classrooms and schools. Such agency, or control, in the reform policy process can affect teachers’ feelings toward these policies and their motivation to implement them in their classrooms. Thus, it would be useful to consider the transactions between teachers and their principals in schools that intend to implement reforms, acknowledging that a poor relationship between teachers and administrators can adversely affect the motivation required for proper implementation (Turner et al., 2009). Lastly, it is necessary to delve deeper into the actual reasons and causes for teachers’ emotional reactions to reform in order to better match reform measures to schools, teachers and their classrooms (Cross & Hong, 2009). The focus on the effects of policy on teachers and students necessitates a discussion of the power structures within school systems and their impact particularly on the emotions of novice teachers. With such knowledge, there will be less ambiguity and confusion when these teachers encounter strong emotional experiences on the job. Thus, instruction must be dissected carefully, in relation to not only students, but also new and incoming teachers. 17 19 FUTURE INQUIRY METHODS 21 Throughout this chapter, we have mentioned some of the difficulties encountered in the study of emotions and the nature of the transactions between motivation and emotion. As researchers continue to develop their understanding of motivation and emotion in the classroom context, they would also benefit from the development of methods. One component of these adjustments might include more diversity in data collection points when studying emotion and motivation, from as frequently as at 1-min intervals to more traditional longitudinal time frames such as after several months or years. Smaller increments of time would place more emphasis on the immediate episode that emotion has on motivation and cognition while longer periods would allow researchers to study broader topics, such as teacher engagement or disengagement. Another approach might require a more in-depth examination of the specific emotions being studied and the corresponding tasks required of participants with the goal of preventing a mismatch between affect and task, therefore nullifying the intended results (Linnenbrink, 2007). This concept would also transfer to participants with high-test anxiety, demanding a greater focus on the congruence between each person’s needs and the type of test being administered (Zeidner, 2007). Therefore, for example, computerbased programs in which students complete an academic task and are asked 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 Motivation and Emotional Transactions: Where do We go from Here? 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 65 at preset intervals to indicate their emotions may not be appropriate for studying emotions in all students. A student who does not like to be interrupted during reading tasks, for example, may often respond with unpleasant emotions when prompted throughout the task. In this case, it is not actually the task itself that is prompting the unpleasant emotions, but the manner in which the emotions are being measured, creating a critical confounding variable if the goal is to study students’ emotions during that task. Minimizing such unintended effects is critical to the validity of studies of emotion and motivation, where the ecological dynamic systems perspective acknowledges that much is in constant flux in the emotional system. To uncover the intricacies of classroom motivation and emotion, researchers may also need to incorporate a greater variety of methods into future research endeavors, focusing on aspects of motivation and emotion with methods that range from neuropsychological systems to social historical contexts (Pekrun & Schutz, 2007; Zembylas & Schutz, 2009). The use of multiple methods would also provide a clearer and broader picture of the multiple dimensions of motivation and emotion. Broadening data collecting methods may include greater use of physiological, historical, observational measures such as facial action coding as well as qualitative methods (interview and observation) which should provide researcher with a greater understanding of the physical, mental and historical components of the emotional and motivational transaction systems. As such, there is much to be investigated, discovered and improved in the future research of goals, emotions and motivation. Emotional rules, school reform, research practices, cultural implications and teacher training methods all yield a wealth of opportunity through clear avenues for continued research. Each of these has a strong impact on the emotions, motivations and practices of educators and students in our school systems. 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AU:10 Please verify the book title in the reference Schunk (1995). AU:11 Please verify the names of the authors in the reference Turner et al. (2009). AU:12 Please verify the chapter title in the reference Weiner (2005). 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 Schutz / Emotion in Education ch02 Page Proof page 9 31.10.2006 6:29pm CHAPTER 2 The Control-Value Theory of Achievement Emotions: An Integrative Approach to Emotions in Education REINHARD PEKRUN, ANNE C. FRENZEL, THOMAS GOETZ University of Munich RAYMOND P. PERRY University of Manitoba For students and teachers alike, educational settings are of critical importance. Over the years, many hours are spent in the classroom, social relationships are created there, and the attainment of important life goals depends on individual and collective agency in educational institutions. Because of their subjective importance, educational settings are entrenched with intense emotional experiences that direct interactions, affect learning and performance, and influence personal growth in both students and teachers (Pekrun, Goetz, Titz, & Perry, 2002a, 2002b). The significance of emotions experienced in educational settings has been recognized by researchers in different fields, including personality research that has analyzed students’ test anxiety since the 1930’s (Zeidner, 1998), research on achievement motivation (Heckhausen, 1991), and more recent educational studies focusing on a variety of emotions in education (as evidenced in the chapters of this volume). Emanating from these different Emotion in Education Copyright ß 2007 by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. 9 Schutz / Emotion in Education 10 ch02 Page Proof page 10 31.10.2006 6:29pm Reinhard Pekrun, Anne C. Frenzel, Thomas Goetz and Raymond P. Perry research traditions, various theoretical accounts of students’ and teachers’ emotions have evolved; but to date; these different traditions and their allied theoretical accounts have operated in relative isolation. As such, research on emotions in education, and on achievement emotions more generally, is in a state of fragmentation today. More integrative frameworks seem to be largely lacking, thereby limiting theoretical and empirical progress. The control-value theory of achievement emotions (Pekrun, 2000, in press a) described here is an attempt to provide such an integrative framework. It is based on the premise that current approaches to achievement emotions share a number of common basic assumptions, and can be regarded as being complementary rather than mutually exclusive. More specifically, the theory builds on assumptions from expectancy-value theories of emotions (Pekrun, 1984, 1988, 1992a; Turner & Schallert, 2001), transactional theories of stress appraisals and related emotions (Folkman & Lazarus, 1985), theories of perceived control (Patrick, Skinner & Connell, 1993; Perry, 1991), attributional theories of achievement emotions (Weiner, 1985), and models addressing the effects of emotions on learning and performance (Fredrickson, 2001; Pekrun, 1992b; Pekrun et al., 2002a; Zeidner, 1998, 2007). In this chapter, we first provide a brief overview of the theory, including a definition of the term achievement emotion. We then address the assumptions of the theory regarding the appraisal antecedents of achievement emotions. Next, conceptual corollaries and extensions of the theory are outlined. Specifically, we discuss implications for the multiplicity of achievement emotions, and for their more distal individual and social antecedents. Furthermore, we address assumptions of the theory regarding the effects of achievement emotions on learning and performance; the reciprocal relations between achievement emotions, antecedents, and effects; the regulation of these emotions; and their relative universality across socio-historical contexts, sexes, and individuals. In closing, implications for educational practice are outlined. In describing implications of the theory for emotions in education, we will primarily address emotions as experienced by students. Also, the related empirical evidence gathered so far primarily pertains to students’ emotions. However, it should be noted that the theory applies to the achievement emotions experienced by other participants in educational settings as well, such as teachers (Frenzel, Goetz, Pekrun, & Wartha, 2006), principals, administrators, school employees, and parents. For example, many of the emotions experienced by teachers pertain to achievement-related occupational goals of increasing students’ competences and fostering their development. The theory aims at explaining these emotions experienced by teachers, to the similar ways it explains the achievement emotions experienced by students. AQ1 Schutz / Emotion in Education ch02 Page Proof page 11 31.10.2006 6:29pm An Integrative Approach to Emotions in Education 11 OVERVIEW OF THE CONTROL-VALUE THEORY Definition and Dimensions of Achievement Emotion In the control-value theory, achievement emotions are defined as emotions tied directly to achievement activities or achievement outcomes. Achievement can be defined simply as the quality of activities or their outcomes as defined by some standard of excellence (Heckhausen, 1991). By implication, most emotions pertaining to students’ academic learning and achievement are seen as achievement emotions, since they relate to behaviors and outcomes that are typically judged according to standards of quality—by students themselves, and by others. However, not all of the emotions in educational settings are achievement emotions. Specifically, social emotions are frequently experienced in these same settings, as for example, a students’ caring for a friend in the classroom. Achievement and social emotions can overlap, as in emotions directed towards the achievement of others (e.g., contempt, envy, empathy, or admiration instigated by the success or failure of others; see Weiner, this volume). In past research, studies on achievement emotions typically focused on emotions relating to achievement outcomes (i.e., research on test anxiety, Zeidner, 2007; studies on emotions following success and failure, Weiner, 1985). The perspective used here implies that emotions pertaining to achievement-related activities are also considered to be achievement emotions (see Table 1). Examples of outcome-related achievement emotions are the joy and pride experienced by students when academic goals are met, and the frustration and shame when efforts fail. The excitement arising from learning, boredom experienced in classroom instruction, or anger about task demands are but a few examples of activity-related emotions. Activity emotions have traditionally been neglected by research on achievement emotions. The present perspective implies that the scope of existing research should be broadened to include this important class of emotions as well. The differentiation of activity vs. outcome emotions pertains to the object focus of achievement emotions. In addition, as emotions more generally, achievement emotions can be grouped according to their valence (positive vs. negative; or pleasant vs. unpleasant), and to the degree of activation implied (activating vs. deactivating; see also Linnenbrink, 2007). Using these three dimensions, achievement emotions can be organized in a three-dimensional taxonomy (Table 1; Pekrun et al., 2002a). Structure of the Theory: Overview of Assumptions and Implications Figure 1 provides an overview of the different elements of the theory. Assumptions regarding the arousal of achievement emotions are at the heart of the theory. It is assumed that appraisals of ongoing achievement activities, AQ2 Schutz / Emotion in Education 12 ch02 Page Proof page 12 31.10.2006 6:29pm Reinhard Pekrun, Anne C. Frenzel, Thomas Goetz and Raymond P. Perry TABLE 1 A Three-Dimensional Taxonomy of Achievement Emotions Positivea Object Focus Activating Deactivating Activity Enjoyment Relaxation Focus Negativeb Activating Deactivating Anger Boredom Frustration Outcome Joy Contentment Anxiety Focus Disappointment Hope Relief Shame Pride Gratitude a Anger Sadness Hopelessness Positive ¼ pleasant emotion. b Negative ¼ unpleasant emotion. and of their past and future outcomes, are of primary importance in this respect (Figure 1, link 1). Succinctly stated, this key element of the theory stipulates that individuals experience specific achievement emotions when they feel being in control of, or out of control of, achievement activities and outcomes that are subjectively important to them, implying that control appraisals and value appraisals are the proximal determinants of these emotions. To the extent that this is true, more distal individual antecedents should affect these emotions by influencing control and value appraisals in the first place (Figure 1, link 2). Examples of such antecedents are individual achievement goals as well as achievement-related control and value beliefs. However, the theory acknowledges that emotions are also influenced by non cognitive factors, including genetic dispositions and physiologically bound temperament (Figure 1, link 3). Concerning determinants in classroom interaction, social environments, and the broader socio-historical context, the theory implies that factors influencing individual control-value appraisals should affect the individual’s achievement emotions (Figure 1, link 4). The theory also addresses the effects of achievement emotions on students’ academic engagement and performance. Specifically, it is posited that emotions influence cognitive resources, motivation, use of strategies, and self-regulation vs. external regulation of learning (Figure 1, link 5). The effects of emotions on achievement are posited to be mediated by these processes (Figure 1, link 6). Furthermore, processes of learning as well as their achievement outcomes are expected to act back on students’ emotions (Figure 1, link 7), and on the environment within, and outside of, the classroom (Figure 1, link 8). By implication, antecedents, emotions, and their effects are thought to be linked by reciprocal causation over time (see the chain of links 1 to 8 in Figure 1), in line with dynamic systems accounts of emotions in education (Turner & Waugh, 2007). Assumptions on reciprocity have implications for the Schutz / Emotion in Education ch02 Page Proof page 13 31.10.2006 6:29pm An Integrative Approach to Emotions in Education 13 FIGURE 1 Overview of the control-value theory of achievement emotions. regulation and treatment of achievement emotions (Figure 1, links 9 to 11), and for the design of ‘‘emotionally sound’’ (Astleitner, 2000) learning environments (Figure 1, link 12). Finally, there are some additional features of the theory that are not displayed in Figure 1, including assumptions on the multiplicity of achievement emotion and on their relative universality. In the following sections, these elements of the theory are addressed in turn. A more complete treatment, however, is beyond the scope of the present chapter (see Goetz, Frenzel, Pekrun, & Hall, 2006; Pekrun, 1988, 1992a, 1992b, 2000, in press a; and Pekrun et al., 2002a, 2002b, for more elaborate discussions of facets of the theory). Schutz / Emotion in Education 14 ch02 Page Proof page 14 31.10.2006 6:29pm Reinhard Pekrun, Anne C. Frenzel, Thomas Goetz and Raymond P. Perry CONTROL, VALUES, AND EMOTIONS: LINKAGES BETWEEN APPRAISALS AND AFFECT Generally, emotions can be influenced by a host of proximal factors, such as situational perceptions, cognitive appraisals, physiological processes, or feedback from facial expression. For the emotions arising from achievement activities and performance outcomes, however, appraisals relating to these activities and outcomes can be assumed to be most important. Among the different appraisals addressed by appraisal theories of emotions (Scherer, Schorr, & Johnstone, 2001), subjective control over activities and outcomes and the subjective values of these activities and outcomes are held to be most relevant by the control-value theory, as noted previously. Subjective control over achievement activities and their outcomes is assumed to depend on causal expectancies and causal attributions that imply appraisals of control. Three types of causal expectancies are relevant (Pekrun, 1988, 2006; see also Skinner, 1996): action-control expectancies that an achievement activity can be initiated and performed (‘‘self-efficacy expectations’’; Bandura, 1977); action-outcome expectancies that these activities lead to outcomes one wants to attain; and situation-outcome expectancies that these outcomes occur in a given situation without one’s own action. Examples would be a student’s expectation that he will be able to invest sufficient effort in learning some material (action-control expectancy); the expectation that he will, because of his efforts, attain a good grade (action-outcome expectancy); and the expectation that he will get a good grade even if he does not act at all (situation-outcome expectancy). Expectations of the latter type, however, will typically be low in achievement situations. The attainment of success and prevention of failure are normally contingent on one’s own efforts. By implication, expectations that success can be attained, or failure prevented, presuppose to perceive sufficient internal control over activities and their achievement outcomes, as implied by positive action-control and actionoutcome expectancies. Regarding the subjective values of activities and outcomes, the theory makes a distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic values. Intrinsic values of activities relate to appreciating an activity per se, even if it does not produce any relevant outcomes. For example, being interested in mathematics, a student can value dealing with math problems, irrespective of the contribution this activity might have to getting good grades in math. Extrinsic values pertain to the instrumental utility of activities to produce outcomes and of outcomes to produce further outcomes (Heckhausen, 1991). An example would be a student who values academic studying because it helps in getting good grades and who values good grades because they contribute to the attainment of future goals like getting the job she wants (Husman & Lens, 1999). AQ3 AQ4 Schutz / Emotion in Education ch02 Page Proof page 15 31.10.2006 6:29pm An Integrative Approach to Emotions in Education 15 The theory next makes predictions about how different patterns of these appraisals instigate different achievement emotions (Figure 1, link 1; see Table 2 for a summary of assumptions). These predictions can be grouped according to the type of emotion addressed. Using the object focus dimension of the taxonomy of achievement emotions described above, three types of achievement emotions are distinguished: prospective outcome emotions, retrospective outcome emotions, and activity emotions. Prospective Outcome Emotions Prospective, anticipatory outcome emotions are experienced when positively valued success or negatively valued failure are to be expected. If perceived control is high and the focus is on success, anticipatory joy is assumed to be instigated. For example, if a student expects to be able to master an upcoming exam, she may simply look forward to the good grade that will result. If the focus is on failure, on the other hand, and there is high subjective control implying the expectation that failure can be avoided, anticipatory relief will be experienced. For example, if a student notices that she will be able to prevent an anticipated failure on an exam because her preparation for the exam was successful, she will feel relief upon noticing that she likely worried needlessly, even if the exam has not started yet. If there is partial control only, implying that success and failure are subjectively uncertain, hope will be instigated if the focus is on success, and anxiety if the focus is on failure. Since uncertainty implies both chances for success and the threat of failure, mixed feelings comprising both hope and anxiety will be quite typical for many outcome-focused achievement situations. For example, a student who wants to pass an important exam but does not know if he will be able to do so, can hope for success and can at the same time be afraid of failure (also see Folkman & Lazarus, 1985). Finally, if success is perceived as not being attainable and failure to be certain, hope and anxiety are assumed to be replaced by hopelessness. Hopelessness is posited to occur whenever a positive achievement outcome cannot be attained or a negative outcome is subjectively certain. As such, hopelessness is experienced both when cognitions focus on the nonattainability of success and when the focus is on the nonavoidability of failure. Retrospective Outcome Emotions For retrospective outcome emotions following subjectively important successes and failures, subjective control as implied by causal attributions of these outcomes is of importance. More specifically, in line with Weiner’s (1985) assumptions on attribution-independent emotions, it is assumed that some of the immediate affective reactions to success or failure do not depend on subjective control (control-independent emotions), in contrast to emotions Schutz / Emotion in Education 16 ch02 Page Proof page 16 31.10.2006 6:29pm Reinhard Pekrun, Anne C. Frenzel, Thomas Goetz and Raymond P. Perry TABLE 2 The Control-Value Theory: Basic Assumptions on Control, Values, and Achievement Emotions Appraisals Object Focus Outcome / Prospective Outcome / Retrospective Activity Value Control Emotion Positive (Success) High Medium Low Anticipatory Joy Hope Hopelessness Negative (Failure) High Medium Low Anticipatory Relief Anxiety Hopelessness Positive (Success) Irrelevant Self Other Joy Pride Gratitude Negative (Failure) Irrelevant Self Other Sadness Shame Anger Positive Negative Positive/Negative None High High Low High/Low Enjoyment Anger Frustration Boredom involving more elaborate, control-dependent cognitive mediation (controldependent emotions). Concerning control-independent emotions, success is posited to induce joy and contentment, and the nonoccurrence of expected success is posited to induce disappointment. Failure is expected to instigate sadness and frustration, and the nonoccurrence of expected failure is expected to instigate relief. The emotions pride, shame, gratitude, and anger are assumed to be controldependent (Table 2). These emotions are instigated by causal attributions of success and failure implying that the self, other persons, or situational factors produced the achievement outcome. Pride and shame are posited to be induced by attributions of success and failure to the self, and gratitude and anger by attributions to other persons. These assumptions reflect Weiner’s (1985) attributional theory of achievement emotions, but there also are differences. Specifically, the controllability of the perceived causes of success and failure as addressed by Weiner’s theory is not held to be critical for the instigation of outcome-related emotions. Rather, it is the perceived controllability of the outcome itself that is posited to determine which emotion is instigated. As one implication, the antecedents of pride and shame are seen as being symmetrical. Both of these emotions are self-related affects triggered by success and failure that is appraised as being caused by oneself. Both of them can be induced by any self factors that are perceived as influencing achievement outcomes, typical examples being ability (or lack of ability) and Schutz / Emotion in Education ch02 Page Proof page 17 31.10.2006 6:29pm An Integrative Approach to Emotions in Education 17 effort (or lack of effort). For example, if a student performs well, and she attributes this performance to her abilities or successful efforts at learning, she will be proud of her accomplishments. Similarly, if he fails an exam and attributes this failure to a perceived lack of abilities, or to insufficient effort at studying, shame about the failure will be experienced.1 Activity Emotions Emotions relating to achievement activities are assumed to depend on the perceived controllability of the activity and on its value. If the activity is seen as being controllable and valued positively, enjoyment is instigated. For example, if a student is interested in some learning material and feels capable of dealing with this material, he will enjoy studying. Enjoyment of achievement activities can take different shades, including excitement at challenging tasks, as well as more relaxed states when performing pleasant routine activities. If there is controllability, but the activity is negatively valued, ang…
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